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23990 results in Ancient history

Page 1003 of 1200

  • 7d - Coinage

  • from 7 - Archaic Greek society
    • By Colin Kraay, Heberden Coin Room, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
  • Edited by John Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis, M. Ostwald
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    24 November 1988, pp 431-445

  • Summary

    This chapter describes the origin of coinage in mainland Greece. But coinage certainly started at an earlier date in Asia Minor, where the most readily available metal was alluvial electrum rather than silver. In the Peloponnese the transition from a utensil currency to a currency of silver appears to have begun under Pheidon in the first half of the seventh century but true coins are unlikely to have been minted at Aegina before the sixth century. The earliest datable context for an Aeginetan coin is the foundation deposit of the audience-hall of Darius I at Persepolis, which can be no earlier than circa 515. The most remarkable characteristic of the archaic coinage of South Italy is its uniformity in both weight standard and fabric. The practice of coining is seen to have been spreading across the Greek world during the sixth century though it was still a rather recent phenomenon in the West.

  • 3f - Persia in Europe, apart from Greece

  • from 3 - The major regions of the empire
  • Edited by John Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis, M. Ostwald
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    24 November 1988, pp 234-253

  • Summary

    The revenge motive arising from Scythian attacks on the Medes in Asia a century or so earlier hardly accounts for a Persian king attacking Scythians in Europe. The real intention of Darius was made clear by the building of a bridge across the Bosporus. Darius commemorated the bridge by erecting two columns of white stone with inscriptions in cuneiform and in Greek letters. Herodotus described the campaign from the Scythian point of view, which shows that he relied chiefly on Scythian informants. The existence of a satrapy in Europe, called 'Skudra', is known from Persian inscriptions. The name 'Skudra' was probably Phrygian for the homeland which the Phrygians had left in migrating to Asia. In cultural terms, Thrace looked not to Greece but to Scythia, Asia Minor and Persia. In the last decades of the sixth century large tombs with gifts of gold and silver vessels and jewellery, and sometimes bronze helmets and cuirasses, became much more frequent.

  • 2 - The consolidation of the empire and its limits of growth under Darius and Xerxes

  • from PART I - THE PERSIAN EMPIRE
  • Edited by John Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis, M. Ostwald
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    24 November 1988, pp 53-111

  • Summary

    Darius and his successors ruled a large land mass containing a bewildering variety of ethnic groups for almost two hundred years. They did it with very little violence and without the need for the almost annual military activity characteristic of the smaller Assyrian empire. Xerxes was a powerful figure, but it would seem that he never lived up to his early promise and was certainly never the king, or perhaps the man, that his father Darius had been. Early in the reign of Xerxes rebellion broke out in Babylon. Whatever the timing or cause of the revolt in Babylon, it is put down with a firm hand. Xerxes sends Megabyxus in command of troops to crush the revolt, which is apparently accomplished in almost no time at all. In the end, Xerxes has the honour to be the first of the great Achaemenid kings to be assassinated.

  • 7a - Religion and the state

  • from 7 - Archaic Greek society
  • Edited by John Boardman, N. G. L. Hammond, D. M. Lewis, M. Ostwald
  • Book:
    The Cambridge Ancient History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    24 November 1988, pp 368-388

  • Summary

    In a well-known story, Herodotus records how the Samians rescued three hundred boys whom Periander of Corinth was sending from Corcyra to Alyattes of Lydia to become eunuchs. The story illustrates the vocabulary and syntax of Greek ritual. More important, it throws light on the relationship between two ways of defining a community. On the one hand the political decision which the Samians have by implication taken is portrayed as one taken purely within the matrix of cult and ritual. On the other hand the story represents the political society of the Samians as being in full charge of their own religious practices. Neither Samos nor any Greek state was controlled by priests or prophets. It is this relationship between a society conceived of as embedded in cult and ritual and the same society conceived of as an autonomous political actor. Religion became a dependent appendage of national sentiment, and individual piety received an out and out deathblow'.

  • SERIES EDITOR'S INTRODUCTION

    • By R.K.S., State University of New York at Buffalo
  • Edited and translated by Robert K. Sherk, State University of New York, Buffalo
  • Book:
    The Roman Empire: Augustus to Hadrian
    Published online:
    10 November 2010
    Print publication:
    14 July 1988, pp v-viii

  • Summary

    Greek and Roman history has always been in an ambivalent position in American higher education, having to find a home either in a Department of History or in a Department of Classics, and in both it is usually regarded as marginal. Moreover, in a History Department the subject tends to be taught without regard to the fact that the nature of the evience is, on the whole, very different from that for American, English, or French history, while in a Classics Department it tends to be viewed as a ‘philological’ subject and taught by methods appropriate to Greek and Latin authors. Even on the undergraduate level the difference may be important, but on the graduate level, where future teachers and scholars, who are to engage in original research, are trained, it becomes quite clear that neither of these solutions is adequate.

    One problem is the standard of proficiency that should be required in Greek and Latin – both difficult languages, necessitating years of study; and few students start the study, even of Latin, let alone Greek, before they come to college. The editor recognizes that for the student aiming at a Ph.D. in the subject and at advancing present knowledge of it there can be no substitute for a thorough training in the two languages. Nevertheless, it is possible to extend serious instruction at a high level to graduate students aiming at reaching the M.A. level and to make them into competent teachers.

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