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This being is not a created one, but the one who creates. By contrast, rational creatures receive their actual creation subsequent to their initial substantiation and coming-to-being. For scripture says, He spake, and they were made; he commanded, and they stood fast. Anyone is indeed created unto good works, while before this [creation] one is something made by God towards a clean heart. Moreover, is it not thy Father Himself that hath bought thee? Hath he not made thee, and established thee [but it was the Son who brought into being all the things which the Father willed him to]. It should be particularly noticed that he says that creatures were made by God’s will. Therefore, one should not regard the being of the Saviour as dependent upon the will of the Father. For he [sc. the Saviour] is not a creature, which is infact clearly declared through the text that follows.
The notions of ὁρμή and πόλεμος are Cassian’s seal upon the Scholia. Although initially a Homeric correlation, these terms are juxtaposed in the authors whom we have come across at many points so far. Historians such as Polybius, Diodorus of Sicily, Josephus, and the biographer Plutarch, are intellectuals whose vocabulary resulted in the opening of this Scholion as it stands. In Christian literature, the juxtaposition is almost non-existent. Apart from an instance in Basil of Caesarea, we come upon Theodoret, though his usage is rather attenuated compared to this Scholion. The fact is, however, that both Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia had employed the ancient phraseology. Diodorus mentioned the ‘war’ waged by the adversary power against humans, which is the same context as that of the Scholion and that of Psalm 3:3, on which Diodorus comments.
In view of the fact that Diodorus and Theodore made the same point as the Scholion, a relevant usage ascribed to Pseudo-Macarius should be considered, which contributes to that set of texts being the product of the Akoimetoi. At all events, it is plain that Cassian draws on his Antiochene background.
Liturgical practices were not strictly uniform from one community to another, but there was a tendency to view Saint Peter's as the model, and it was at Saint Peter's that some important features of the familiar Roman liturgy took shape. For the eighth-century office celebrated by the monasteries serving Saint Peter's, the evidence is focused largely on the cycles of readings during the night office of Matins. The fourfold liturgical year, centred on Saint Peter's, seems to underlie the arrangement of readings in OR XIV, OR XVI and OR XIVB, representing the period when the great Roman basilicas were staffed by monastic communities, and when Saint Peter's seems to have been something of a model for the other churches of the city. The liturgical leadership seems to have been shifting away from the Vatican basilica, toward the person of the pope himself, whose cathedra or chair was at the Lateran.
Though the new Eastern feast of the Annunciation was adopted in the Latin West in the course of late seventh century, only one basilica developed in its liturgy a theological rationale for the new feast. The basilica was Saint Peter's on the Vatican. The liturgy of Saint Peter's on the Vatican was in the care of monks of Saint Martin. In Alfarano's plan, the chapel of the monastery is marked: just outside the western end of the basilica, slightly to the south of the apse. The author's example of how the liturgy at Saint Peter's looked out to a wider world beyond Rome is the celebration of All Saints in the chapel in front of the martyrium of Saint Peter, to the south side of the nave, in parte virorum. Saint Peter was chief of the apostles, who had been told by Christ to 'go therefore, teach ye all nations'.
A thoroughly revisionist account of the historical origins of the basilica was published by Glen Bowersock, who proposed that the foundation and construction of the basilica should be attributed not to Constantine, but probably to Constans. This chapter takes the doubts they have raised as an opportunity to reconsider both the chronology of the fourth-century basilica, and also the evidence for possible changes in its design during construction. An inscription, referring unambiguously to Constantine as the founder of Saint Peter's, was located on the triumphal arch of the basilica and was executed in letters of gold, forming part of a mosaic scene. Whatever the precise chronology of the preceding stages of development, the remodelling or rebuilding of the apse in its definitive form seems to have followed on only after the accession in 337 of Constans, whose probable stamp occurred on bricks used in its construction.
Old Saint Peter's served as a prime setting for the celebration and promotion of papal authority. This was certainly true during the Iconoclastic Controversy from the early eighth to the mid-ninth century. In the past, the author tended to see the architectural reference to Old Saint Peter's and the wealth of figural imagery as two separate elements; however, now the author is inclined to emphasize how closely connected they are, or were, in the minds of the pope and his associates, given the role of Saint Peter's in the battle against iconoclasm. This helps to explain why such a blatantly Roman structure was deemed appropriate for a group of Greek monks, many of whom were presumably refugees from iconoclastic persecution and all of whom were supporters of religious images. The use of Saint Peter's as a model was completely in keeping with the emphasis on papal authority and tradition.