To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
‘I compare the gaylussacites (gaylussaciens) of the Institute of France, or the leaders of this society, to those for whom boasting takes the place of knowing. If they are gaylussacites they would say: “You cannot attack the principles for which we stand, because we are everything, and in so far as you can see anything, it is only through us”.’
H. Bodelio
In the life of Gay-Lussac the Revolutionary period (or more precisely the period after 1795) was the time when he received his basic scientific education. During the succeeding period of the Consulate Gay-Lussac was a research assistant to Berthollet, while the ten years of the Empire (1804–14) were for him a period of intensive scientific research. By the Restoration of 1815 Gay-Lussac had established an international reputation for himself. A French ‘Who's Who’ published in 1817 described him as ‘one of the most distinguished physicist-chemists of the capital’. He was now a part of the establishment. He came to replace Berthollet all the more naturally as his master had taken the eclipse of Napoleon as a time to withdraw from the public scene. Although Gay-Lussac had benefited indirectly through Berthollet by Napoleonic patronage he had never been formally associated with the imperial regime. Thus he could serve the restored Bourbon monarchy with a clear conscience, although perhaps not without a tinge of regret for old times. It was under the constitutional monarchy of Louis Philippe that Gay-Lussac reached his peak of power and influence.
‘What society holds most dear and most sacred is the free exercise of intelligence and respect for property’
Gay-Lussac
There may be some scientists whose whole life is in their laboratories. But, if a scientist applies his special expertise in commerce and industry, he obviously relates to the wider world outside the laboratory. If he accepts rewards for such work, he becomes involved in the society of his time. This is all the more so if the rewards are substantial, enabling the scientist to aspire to a superior social position. But science, through its applications, can relate not only to private life but also to public life. If a scientist stands as a member of parliament, he immediately becomes a public figure. If in the course of his public office he expresses opinions on government policy and legislation affecting science and technology, then he is fully involved in contemporary society. Such a man was Gay-Lussac. He did not divide his life into two separate compartments: science and private life. In an alphabetical file of his papers we find not only pure science and industrial tariffs together, but also papers on his tax assessment next to papers on electrical instruments.
Gay-Lussac played an important part in the economic life of France not only by his advice on the analysis of coinage but by his many expert contributions to the system of taxation.
‘I should place him [Gay-Lussac] at the head of the living chemists of France’
Humphry Davy
‘one of the first [natural] philosophers of the age’
J. F. Daniell
The name of Gay-Lussac is remembered in many ways. His work on the density of alcohol–water mixtures is perpetuated in the ‘degrees Gay-Lussac’, which in France have come to replace the medieval ‘degrees proof’ as a means of describing the strength of alcoholic drinks. The ‘Gay-Lussac tower’ was the name given to a vital part of the manufacture of sulphuric acid in recognition of Gay-Lussac's contribution to this industry. The scientist's name is associated with a type of barometer and a burette. He is also commemorated in the mineral ‘Gay-Lussite’ and in Gaylussacia, the botanical name for the huckleberry. Perhaps Gay-Lussac himself would have derived most satisfaction from being remembered above all as the man who formulated two fundamental laws of nature. If his own scrupulous acknowledgement of unpublished antecedents has meant that his law of the thermal expansion of gases is now more generally known as ‘Charles' law’, at least his discovery of the regularity in the ratio of the volumes of combining volumes of gases is still appropriately known, and learned by every elementary student of chemistry as ‘Gay-Lussac's law’. Yet he is so little known as a man that he is listed in the British Library catalogue – a source of international repute – as Gay-Lussac, Nicholas François, although his Christian names were indisputably Joseph Louis.
Recently there has been considerable revaluation of the development of natural sciences in the early nineteenth century, dealing among other things with the works and ideas of Charles Lyell. The task of interpreting Lyell in balanced terms is extremely complex because his activities covered many fields of research, and because his views have been unwarrantably distorted in order to make him the precursor of various modern scientific positions. Martin Rudwick in particular has contributed several papers relating to Lyell's Principles of geology, and has repeatedly stressed the need for a comprehensive evaluation of Lyell's scientific proposals, and of his position in the culture of his time. In the present paper I hope to contribute to the reassessment of Lyell's work by concentrating on his discussion of transformism, which constituted the central theme of the second volume of the Principles of geology: the very length of Lyell's detailed and critical analysis of Lamarck's theories reveals the importance he attributed to the question of transformism in the contemporary natural sciences.
How are social and institutional circumstances linked to the knowledge that scientists produce? To answer this question it is necessary to take risks: speculative but testable theories must be proposed. It will be my aim to explain and then apply one such theory. This will enable me to propose an hypothesis about the connexion between social processes and the style and content of mathematical knowledge.