This chapter introduces the object of a sentence, which is additional to the subject and the predicate. Characteristics, such as meaning, structure, and different types of objects, are provided.

Four types of interrogative and rhetorical questions are introduced in this chapter. An overview of the differences between these sentences and declarative sentences is given, as well as their special features and patterns.

The use of transitive and intransitive verbs in Chinese grammar is introduced in this chapter. In particular, separable verbs (e.g., verb-object compounds), as a unique Chinese construction, are described in detail. In addition, special attention is paid to the expression of the temporal features of activities by suffixing the verbal aspects 了 le, 着 zhe, 过 guo, or the pre-verbal progressive marker 在 zài. Lastly, this chapter introduces the reduplication of verbs denoting tentativeness or the short duration of the action.

The meanings and grammatical features of Chinese prepositions are introduced in this chapter. The usages and meanings of prepositions in pre-verbal or postverbal positions are differentiated. Special attention is paid to distinguishing Chinese verbs from prepositions, which are often referred to as co-verbs.

The conclusion presents a recap of the findings in terms of the OLG theory and new data from Faroese, Icelandic and other languages. Several suggestions are made as to how the OLG framework could be tested against new data, especially regarding pertinent questions raised by the analyses of quirky case phenomena. First, dative–accusative case frames beyond Faroese are discussed: pain-related verbs in Baltic languages occur in both dative–nominative and dative–accusative patterns, for which Seržant (2013) explicitly draws parallels with Icelandic and Faroese. Likewise, the loss of oblique subjects over time is discussed in Indo-Aryan languages: Deo and Sharma (2006) and Kiparsky (2017) identify the important factors in changes in these case systems. The trajectory seems to be similar to that of Old Norse moving via Icelandic- and Faroese-type to modern Norwegian-type systems with respect to the oblique subjects. A possessive construction in Uralic languages is also discussed, in which the oblique possessor occurs with a nominative or accusative possessum. Finally, some proposals are made for future research based on the framework itself, with reference to information structure, stochastic and other variants of Optimality Theory, locality constraints, and other topics.

Chapter 8 discusses alternative theories of case, in particular the few prior attempts to deal with the Faroese dative–accusative pattern (Woolford 2007, Jónsson 2009, Asarina 2011). Further survey data from Faroese are presented alongside engagement with these alternatives; it is argued that while these theories could be altered to achieve empirical coverage, they will miss generalisations and overgenerate in comparison to the OLG approach. Woolford (2007) deals with exceptions to Burzio’s Generalisation (Burzio 1986); where Woolford’s account runs into problems is the conflation of abstract and morphosyntactic case: the case-hierarchy constraints alone do not explain the possibility of mismatches between thematic structure, argument structure and case-marking on arguments. Second, an idea proposed by Jónsson (2009), built upon by Asarina (2011), is discussed:‘covert’ nominative case. The basic idea is not dissimilar to abstract [+HR] case instantiated in morphosyntax as the case borne by subject position; however, crucial differences render the covert nominative account undesirably over-flexible. Further survey data are presented with respect to purported nominative ‘objects’, showing that such sentences are unacceptable in contemporary Faroese and that the data are inconsistent with Asarina (2011).

Chapter 9, the longest chapter, presents a step-by-step discussion of the OLG theory of syntax, focusing especially on issues of central concern to syntacticians: phrase structure, movement or filler-gap dependencies, and the architecture of grammar. A detailed walk-through of how to derive an English sentence is given, including formal definitions of syntactic features. Analyses of the range of typological variation observed in relevant word-order, case-marking and information-structural phenomena are presented from an OLG perspective, including detailed case studies of the Faroese clause structure facts presented in Chapter 2 and an in-depth treatment of object shift in Scandinavian languages. Ranking arguments, constraint definitions and factorial typologies are given where needed. Chapter 9 is intended to answer most of the major questions regarding how this theory handles a broader range of data.

This chapter focuses on an illustrative phenomenon that has presented challenges for previous theories: non-nominative subjects. A summary of preceding literature is given, highlighting the relevant subjecthood properties of the Icelandic preverbal datives, as well as the subject-licensing syntactic positions in that language. A contrast is then drawn with similar dative arguments in German, concluding that the German obliques do not behave as subjects with respect to control properties, and do not occupy Spec,TP like the Icelandic datives. Before investigating the subjecthood of the Faroese datives, a detailed overview of what is currently known of Faroese clause structure is presented to establish the evidence for argument-licensing positions in the language. The standard subjecthood tests are applied to the Faroese dative-experiencer predicates, which demonstrate that the Faroese datives behave very similarly to those in Icelandic with respect to subjecthood properties. Given that the dative arguments in such sentences appear to be true subjects, and therefore the subject licensing position of Spec,TP seems to be the same in both Faroese and Icelandic, the differences in object case and number agreement with a plural object remain to be explained. This is explored in Chapters 3–7.

Chapter 7 lays out new data from both Faroese and Icelandic regarding triadic verbs, in particular the passive of ‘give’ and other three-place predicates. The theoretical apparatus presented in Chapter 6 is brought to bear on ditransitives and shown to predict the correct case frames and word orders in Icelandic and Faroese. First, an outline is given of double-object verbs in Faroese, noting that the evidence in some of the preceding literature is equivocal as to the acceptability of passive with ‘give’ and other triadic verbs. Data from a Faroese survey are discussed, the result being that no sentence with passive of ‘give’ was broadly accepted. Faroese evidence is discussed regarding the position of the theme and goal arguments in the active. Further data on the ‘give’ passive in Icelandic are presented; consistently with previous work, these Icelandic speakers have the option of either Goal-V-Theme or Theme-V-Goal orders in the passive. A Faroese survey on passives of ditransitives other than ‘give’ shows that the lexical semantics of a given verb interact with word order, such that if passive is judged acceptable, its mean acceptability is higher for the Theme-V-Goal order than for Goal-V-Theme.

In Chapter 5, the competing grammars model of morphosyntactic variation is introduced from both a sociolinguistic and computational perspective. The example of nominative substitution in Faroese is used to demonstrate the advantages of the model, in particular the combination of classic Optimality Theory constraints with a probabilistic activation hypothesis. The Faroese dative-subject verbs discussed in Chapters 2 and 4 occur in both dative–accusative and nominative–accusative case frames. The competing grammars model is outlined as a cogent explanation of the co-existence of both forms in use by a given speaker, sometimes within the same text or short series of utterances. Relevant factors proposed to influence selection of the nominative versus dative variants are discussed, including both grammatical and social/contextual variables. The importance of social meaning in determining case selection is highlighted, which presents a Rational Speech Act model of this morphosyntactic variable. In a section co-authored with Rob Mina, the issue of bimodally distributed judgement data is explored, in particular whether such data are effectively random or represent distinguishable dialects, and how to tell. Finally, neural approaches are discussed as an alternative model of competing grammars.