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The historical diffusion of lexical and grammatical features from one pidgin to another has been well documented for the Pacific region, particularly by Baker (1993) who argued that items were spread individually in the early nineteenth century via an ad hoc foreigner talk register. Noting the profound similarities between Hawai‘i Creole English (HCE) and the Caribbean English Creoles (CECs) which led Bickerton (1981) to propose the language bioprogram hypothesis, Goodman (1985) suggested a stronger model of diffusion, one which involved the transmission of a structurally complex pidgin or creole from the Caribbean to Hawai‘i. Holm (1986) and Dillard (1995) have endorsed Goodman’s hypothesis. This study, drawing on a wealth of pidgin/creole data spanning the previous two centuries, finds little support for Goodman’s proposal. Textual evidence shows that the nineteenth-century pidgin of Hawai‘i lacked not only the structure of later HCE but also displayed far stronger links with neighboring Pacific pidgin Englishes than the CECs. Furthermore, the creole TMA system and for-complementation patterns are revealed to have developed late and primarily (though not entirely) within the population of native-born speakers, as predicted by the bioprogram. However, while the pace of creolization was fairly rapid in Hawai‘i, HCE did not form entirely within a single generation.
This article reports a nine-month longitudinal study of fifteen children who, at the beginning of the study, ranged in age from 3;10 to 4;11. In the course of the study we traced the development of principles of control in their grammars and tested hypotheses about the linguistic analyses underlying the observed nonadult interpretations of constructions such as Grover tries pro to jump over the fence, Big Bird tells Ernie pro to jump over the fence, and Ernie kisses Cookie Monster before pro jumping over the fence. The study also investigated the children's judgments of pronominal reference in sentences such as Ernie kisses Cookie Monster before he jumps over the fence. The results confirm a developmental sequence that is driven by lexical learning and changing structural analyses. They also provide further information about a period experienced by some children in which pronominal reference is constrained in a manner that is clearly related to control phenomena.
In this chapter we introduce a proposal from the linguistic theory of relatives, one which minimally underlies all forms of relative clause formation (Kayne 1994 and subsequent work). We adopt a theoretical paradigm which moves from the study of specific relative clause structures to general principles of relativization which underlie all relatives all typological variants. We formulate the leading hypothesis that headless relativization is a developmental primitive in terms of this paradigm. This representation of Universal Grammar (UG) offers a template which relates Determiner Phrases and Complementizer Phrases, which in turn allows the acquisition of relative clause in specific language grammars.