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Disaggregation of public health data by race and ethnicity is critical to understanding health disparities and driving progress toward health equity. While the federal government updated the minimum set of categories federal agencies must use when collecting race and ethnicity data, implementation of these standards remains uncertain. Additionally, federal standards set a floor; states can adopt laws requiring additional data collection specific to their population. As of May 2025, 13 states have passed laws to require disaggregation of race and ethnicity. One state – New York – is implementing the Asian and Native Hawaiian/Pacific Islander (NHPI) Data Disaggregation Law. Challenges include finding effective pressure points for the state agencies that are required to update data and helping agencies access funding for necessary changes. In California, the 2024 Latine and Indigenous Health Disparities Act builds on previous data disaggregation legislation for the Asian and NHPI community in California. Challenges with the bill’s adoption included pressure to narrow the agencies affected by the law and creating an appropriate implementation timeline. Key considerations in the adoption of a state data disaggregation law or policy include educating policymakers about the importance of data disaggregation, determining the scope of the policy, and preparing for implementation.
When returning to their communities after incarceration, individuals face elevated rates of mortality and other poor health outcomes. The reentry period provides a critical opportunity for interventions to improve health, but, historically, a prohibition on federal Medicaid coverage during incarceration has created barriers to care after release. To address these barriers, many states have applied for Medicaid section 1115 reentry waivers to expand access to Medicaid coverage for certain pre- and post-release services. These waivers present an important opportunity to improve care access during reentry, but, if driven by carceral entities, they run the risk of replicating carceral systems that harm health. This article advocates for an alternative approach: centering the perspectives of people with lived experience of incarceration in all aspects of waiver design, implementation, and evaluation. Drawing on personal and professional experience, the authors explore the value of centering lived experience in health policy and identify successes, challenges, and lessons learned from California’s waiver. This article also explores the importance of centering lived experience in information sharing and privacy practices in waiver implementation. Across these areas, waivers driven by lived experience can promote dignity, autonomy, and wellbeing, dismantling carceral approaches that reinforce stigma, erode trust, and perpetuate inequities.
Every US state requires drivers to pass a knowledge and skills examination before obtaining their driver’s license. Surprisingly little is known about the progression of people through the examination process. To date, no research has been conducted on the proportion of individuals who pass from one stage of the driver examination process to the next compared to those who fail and are required to be reexamined. The purpose of this study was to follow the progression of a cohort of new drivers in Washington State as they advanced through the driver examination process. We reviewed driving records for 2,604 teens who started a driver education course in 2024. Of those who attempted the knowledge test at least once, 96 percent passed their knowledge test and 85 percent passed their skills exam. There were significant differences in pass and fail rates by sex, race, and household income. The overwhelming majority of new drivers passed both the knowledge and skills exams after two attempts. The fact that teenagers have a high risk of crashing in the first year of licensure suggests that the full safety potential of the knowledge and skills exams are not being realized.
Employer complaints about rising health care costs have been ubiquitous for a number of years. Survey evidence, though, finds widespread employer shortcomings in the processes they use to select and monitor health plan service providers. The evidence provides a data-driven basis to assess whether employers meet their fiduciary obligations, leading to the conclusion that employers need to increase their diligence or face the possibility of significant liability. The increased diligence may also mitigate health care costs.
Patients experiencing pregnancy complications have died after being denied emergency medical treatment in states with restrictive abortion laws even where the laws ostensibly allow pregnancy termination when necessary to save a patient’s life. For patients experiencing miscarriage, premature rupture of membranes, placental abruption, severe hypertensive disorders, ectopic pregnancy, and other conditions, a treating physician’s decision about whether their condition qualifies as an emergency under state law can mean the difference between life and death. Physicians who treat obstetric emergencies report being torn between delivering evidence-based care and protecting themselves from criminal prosecution. This article frames physician decision-making about emergency abortion within the larger institutional context in which those decisions arise, providing a taxonomy of the myriad hospital policies that impact physicians who treat obstetric emergencies. It evaluates these institutional procedures’ efficacy with respect to the dual goals of protecting pregnant patients’ health and limiting providers’ exposure to legal risk. The article concludes that the optimal institutional approach grants full deference to physicians’ clinical judgment while also providing robust institutional support in the form of comprehensive legal guidance and guaranteed legal representation for physicians who are prosecuted for making good faith medical judgments. It calls upon hospitals to re-commit to their primary mission of providing high quality patient care, and to dedicate resources to supporting physicians who deliver evidence-based care despite unrelenting legal and political pressures.
In their article Objective Standards of Medical Judgment: A Myth of Abortion Law, Graber et al. explore the different legal standards for evaluating if a physician properly offered abortion care under a medical exception to states’ abortion restrictions. While this piece focuses tightly on the use of legal standards to limit access to abortion care, it should be understood in the broader context of a legal and political environment that is increasingly shifting the locus of medical decision-making power from the medical profession to state actors. We agree with Graber et al. that physicians should use their voices to speak out and educate the community on the medical decision-making process. But we are concerned that some state and legal actors are intentionally looking to improperly encroach upon the practice of medicine.
Despite the routine assessment of decisional capacity in the clinical context, the concept of capacity is contested, and its measurement is flawed. For example, scholars and clinicians disagree about the criteria for demonstrating capacity. There is further lack of consensus about whether some types of medical decisions should require more evidence of capacity. Moreover, there is robust literature demonstrating that formal capacity assessment instruments are not always valid and reliable.
This Article focuses on these and other issues, namely the fact that (in)capacity as currently understood is often not viewed relationally and contextually. (In)capacity is viewed as a cognitive property of an individual — an individual has capacity or does not. However, properly conceived, (in)capacity is constituted in interaction with others (e.g., health care providers, family, friends) and one’s environment, and mediated through one’s body and experience of health, illness, or disability. When this reality is not acknowledged, clinicians, caregivers, family members, and others miss opportunities to strengthen patients’ decisional capacity by modifying how they communicate with patients and by changing patients’ environment to improve decision-making. In fact, not acknowledging the relational and contextual nature of (in)capacity likely leads to weakening of patients’ decision-making abilities and the unnecessary disqualification of patients from contemporaneous decision-making, which subsequently negatively affects patient interests in maintaining autonomy and bodily integrity and experiencing wellbeing.
This Article will foreground the relational and contextual nature of (in)capacity and address problems with capacity assessments for adult patients in the medical decision-making context, propose reforms to the capacity assessment process, and conclude by discussing the implications of these arguments in other decision-making contexts.
This essay compares and contrasts the disciplines of sociology and law and society. I then outline how sociology can enrich law and society with stronger theory-building and better linkages of theoretical frameworks to empirical data. I next consider how law and society can enrich sociology, including by encouraging sociologists to take seriously law’s constitutive nature and to engage more directly with their work’s normative implications. Throughout, I draw primarily on research on U.S. immigration enforcement, which is both my area of study and a site of rich cross-pollination between the two fields.
This book describes the general forces which have shaped the law over the centuries, beginning in the Middle Ages and continuing to the present day. The law of neutrality is the law regulating the coexistence of war and peace. Its history is the story of the competition between opposing right, those of belligerents against those of neutrals. Belligerents claim a right to take whatever steps are necessary to bring their foes to heel including, when necessary, interrupting their trade with neutral persons. Neutrals claim a right to carry on doing 'business as usual' with the warring sides, with whom they are at peace. The most striking feature of the treaty network of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was its liberality towards neutrals. The single most important sign of lenient treatment of neutral commerce concerned the carriage of enemy property at sea. The eighteenth century was particularly rich in armed-neutrality initiatives. France was frequently their sponsor, with varying degrees of overtness, even though it was belligerent itself. The Convention on Neutrality in Naval War was more complex than its land-warfare counterpart. It combined a number of prohibitions upon belligerents with affirmative policing duties on neutrals. Neutrality considerations featured in several of the other Hague Conventions as well. The code-of-conduct advocates naturally favoured continuing the pre-war programme of codifying the law of neutrality, to bring it up to date in the light of the harsh experiences of the recent conflict.
This book provides an expanded and up-to-date account of the European Convention on Human Rights and the evolution of its system of human rights protection. It explains the scope of the rights and freedoms which are guaranteed, then reviews the institutional arrangements, first as they functioned until November 1998, and now under Protocol No. 11. To put the Strasbourg system in perspective, the book begins with a short historical overview of the Convention and its progressive elaboration and describes the new European Court of Human Rights. It also mentions other arrangements which now exist for promoting and protecting human rights in Europe. The Council of Europe was set up as a peaceful association of democratic States which proclaimed their faith in the rule of law and 'their devotion to the spiritual and moral values which are the common heritage of their peoples'. The 'Congress of Europe', convened by the International Committee of Movements for European Unity, was held at The Hague in May 1948. Articles 14-18 of the Convention relate to the scope and exercise of the rights guaranteed. They are therefore not intended to secure additional rights, but rather to ensure the effective exercise of the rights set out in the earlier provisions, or in certain situations to permit their limitation. Article 14 establishes the principle of non-discriminatory application, Article 15 allows for the exercise of emergency powers, and Article 17 is intended to prevent abuse of the Convention's freedoms.
Unparalleled catastrophe provides a timely intervention that challenges orthodox thinking around nuclear weapons by mapping out how and why the world is entering a new era of catastrophic threats. After the first use of nuclear weapons in 1945, Albert Einstein warned the world that ‘we thus drift toward unparalleled catastrophe’. This book tells the story of how we are no longer drifting, but racing towards unparalleled catastrophe at breakneck speed. As states modernise and increase their nuclear weapon stockpiles, and develop new weapons systems, and as the global nuclear arms control regime faces pressures like never before, Unparalleled catastrophe provides a chronicle of events, and an analysis of developments that have brought the world into a Third Nuclear Age. To make sense of our contemporary moment, Unparalleled catastrophe puts forward the case for critical nuclear studies, traces the dangers of recent epoch-defining developments, and provides a political intervention into contemporary security debates about nuclear weapons. The book is the first of its kind to document and critically analyse the dawn of the Third Nuclear Age. Drawing on a diverse range of source material – from policy documents, military doctrine and news reports to pop songs and social media memes – Unparalleled catastrophe examines the causes of the Third Nuclear Age and how it manifests in our everyday lives. In doing so, Unparalleled catastrophe explores what has brought us to the brink of catastrophe, and suggests what can be done to avoid it.
Accounts of development and humanitarianism, including its critiques, have long been preoccupied with its institutional forms, driven by governments and international organisations. Such emphasis often attributes significance to the large-scale. The book argues that engaging with the informal and local manifestations of aid disrupts this assumption. It draws on ethnographic research with practitioners in Cambodia, who run their privately funded aid projects. They include Cambodians and foreigners, from Asia and the Global North, who undertake these projects of their own initiative. The book demonstrates how they make their own scales, offering radically different understandings of what actions are significant, and who counts. Such a perspective queries core humanitarian beliefs, and theories of social change more generally. It suggests that everyday practitioners operate with multiple, interlinking scales of their own making. Rather than being dismissed as ‘small scale’, they demonstrate how they render people and causes meaningful, regardless of numbers or size. They question the role of distance for aid, and reveal a nuanced interplay of proximity and distance to those in need. Such unsettling of the valorisation of the large-scale extends to social relations. The ‘distant stranger’ as the archetypal object of humanitarianism is replaced by a desire to get to know others through the act of assistance, often through idioms of kinship. Critically nuancing the trope of the ‘white saviour’, everyday aid is characterised by multiple affinity ties between actors from the Global North and South, which direct and motivate development and humanitarian action.
This book examines the historical evolution of international humanitarian law, in particular the legal and political bases for the penalisation of infractions associated with this body of law. The interaction of law, politics and financial considerations have proved detrimental for staging criminal prosecutions, even to this day, but ultimately have not negated the criminal liability of perpetrators. The book explores the various forms of direct participation in humanitarian law offences and the concept of the doctrine of superior responsibility. It stipulates the liability of those persons who, being in a position of authority, fail to prevent or punish crimes committed by their subordinates. The book deals with the elaboration of a legal theoretical model, defined as the 'duty to control', which attempts to address the gap identified in the relevant law of causation. It traces the evolution of humanitarian law in the context of non-international armed conflicts, with the aim of determining the application of humanitarian and criminal norms therein. Although for the purposes of humanitarian law the distinction between non-international and international conflicts is becoming less significant, people must still be aware of the mechanism known as 'conflict classification'. The world's major powers, with the exception of the UK, have expressly or implicitly widened their judicial jurisdiction by penalising extraterritorial breaches committed in internal armed conflicts. The book focuses on the legislative and judicial efforts of developed nations, mainly from Europe and North America. For these countries, the suppression of extraterritorial crime is not of imminent importance.
This chapter describes the historical survey of superior responsibility. It examines who may be subjected to the doctrine, seeking to ascertain whether the concept of superior is a fixed one, or whether it fluctuates in accordance with certain identifiable parameters. The chapter also examines the existence of a meaningful difference between the terms 'command' and 'control'. Army officers do not argue that the doctrine is misconceived, they simply refuse to subject their military to it, as far as this is possible without showing forthright contempt for international humanitarian law. Incarceration of a culprit, after judicial ascertainment of the underlying crimes and motives, serves in the minds of the victims to restore truth and ultimately allow them to continue their lives. The chapter considers the procedural aspects of the doctrine under what circumstances natural persons are deemed to possess such authority over others as to incur criminal liability for their crimes.
Articles 14 to 18 of the European Convention on Human Rights relate to the scope and exercise of the rights guaranteed. Article 14 establishes the principle of non-discriminatory application, Article 15 allows for the exercise of emergency powers, and Article 17 is intended to prevent abuse of the Convention's freedoms. Article 16 is very short and provides: 'Nothing in Articles 10, 11 and 14 shall be regarded as preventing the High Contracting Parties from imposing restrictions on the political activity of aliens.' Article 18 provides: 'The restrictions permitted under this Convention to the said rights and freedoms shall not be applied for any purpose other than those for which they have been prescribed.' The inclusion of a separate reference to authorised limitations should be thought of as no more than a drafting technique used to indicate. Article 57 of the Convention deals with the important question of reservations.