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Since the 1980s, many African countries began to adopt competition laws alongside structural adjustment and trade liberalization measures, selectively borrowing from existing EU and U.S. regimes. Today, in response to global consolidation in digital markets, African governments are embracing sectoral regulatory schemes that have pro-competitive aims but go beyond traditional competition law. The structure and goals of the EU’s Digital Markets Act (DMA) are now being reflected in national and regional African frameworks such as the AfCFTA Competition Protocol, South Africa’s Online Intermediation Platforms Market Inquiry, and Kenya’s Competition Amendment Bill. The proliferation of these pro-competitive regimes in the African region even in the face of emerging trade pressure leads to two principal lessons. First, there seems to be an important alignment of interests between the EU and African jurisdictions vis-à-vis tech (U.S.) giants. Second, despite the many limits of African competition authorities’ enforcement capabilities, pro-competitive regimes illustrate a hopeful appetite for an enforcement approach to tech markets that is not antithetic to traditional economic development rationales and yet leaves space for local and regional African values. Even with a regulatory regime formally on the books, however, adding substance to it requires significant implementation work.
Building on Roger Cotterrell’s call to theorise the law of trusts in relation to trust as an all-pervasive sociopolitical phenomenon, we explore the interplay between these two concepts of trust in relation to the rise of neoliberalism. Here, we centre how the ability of offshore trusts to evade tax/regulatory obligations compromises the ability of sovereign states to build institutions that nurture trust. Historicising this dynamic, we turn to how the rise of a post-imperial world of sovereign states in the context of decolonisation and the Cold War prompted elite interest in transnational legal innovations – especially trusts – that could avoid state-led redistribution efforts. Empowered by various crises, such innovations became central to neoliberal globalisation and its erosion of trust in the sovereign state. Focus on these material dynamics provides a new lens for conceptualising the failure of human rights and anti-corruption projects whose state-centric outlook detracts attention from broader transnational forces.
1. Vindicatory violence and lèse-majesté: the struggle for control over peacekeeping practices
The advent of modernity, both juridical and judicial, has traditionally been identified with initiating the process that made criminal law independent from civil law, to the detriment of the latter, and the concurrent emergence of the public criminal process at the expense of private solutions to conflict resolution. On the terminus a quo of this evolution, historiography has not always been in agreement. Some have preferred to relegate the entire pre-revolutionary era to a sort of archaism in which jurists were inclined ‘to treat criminal issues […] with a civil law mentality, as if criminal law were a necessary complement to civil law, a complex of defences prepared to protect particular positions of privilege of individuals or the community.’ Others have instead highlighted how much modernity was already present in the criminal doctrine of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, which was increasingly forced to address the issue of the public relevance of crimes, the threat they posed to the security and preservation of the state. The transformation, in the direction of an indefinite expansion, of the concept and fields of application of the crimen laesae maiestatis was, as Mario Sbriccoli showed almost half a century ago, one of the main instruments – underpinned by an ideology, which may perhaps be seen as the primary force that allowed state jurisdiction to erode fundamental areas of legitimacy from competing jurisdictions, especially feudal ones.
1. Bi-confessionality, social peace and arbitral justice: the monarchy of France
The presence of a significant Huguenot minority and the bloody civil war that erupted from the early 1560s made France an extraordinarily important laboratory for the development of the concepts of concord and peace. The intense theoretical reflection on religious concord was not detached from the practices aimed at overcoming interconfessional conflict, which in the context of communities could arise from other factors (personal and family enmities, hatred, vengeance). The 1973 essay by Natalie Zemon Davis on the rites of violence in religious conflict in France undoubtedly marked a historiographical turning point, not least by her ability to graft the anthropological perspective onto the historical data of ‘crowd violence’. Just as it is possible to write a history of violence, even in its ritual and performative dimension, one can attempt to write a history of peace and the search for peaceful coexistence in contexts of bi-confessionality. The challenge, as in the analysis of conflict and explosions of violence, lies in evaluating the degree of impact of religious motivation in the search for concord, assuming it is possible to fully separate it from social factors.
The theoretical reflection on religious concord took its cue from the reflection on social concord, a common heritage, as has been seen, of Renaissance political thought, as well as from Erasmus-inspired Christian irenicism.
Eighteenth-century perspectives on judicial modernity
It is always an interesting exercise to observe how the Enlightenment culture projected its idea of modernity onto European institutions – political, legal and social – of preceding centuries, an idea to which we are still deeply attached. The administration of justice, and thus the governing of violence and conflict, concerns the most fundamental dynamics of communal living, and the Enlightenment was able to grasp the centrality of peace in laying the foundations of legal institutions arising from the dissolution of the ancient world. In the eighteenth-century debate, from France to Scotland, the formation of Roman–barbarian realms, with the consequent emergence of feudal institutions, was generally identified as the birth of Europe, as is well known.
In the XXXth book of the Esprit des lois (The Spirit of Laws), in chapter XIX, when addressing the issue of the Compositions chez les peuples barbares (On Compositions among the Barbarous Nations), Montesquieu provides very precise coordinates useful for conceptually placing peace in the development of European civilisation. Just before, in the XXVIIIth book, the great French philosopher had outlined the main differences between Salic law and the laws of other barbarian peoples regarding compositions (financial settlements), the judicial evidence required (such as duelling), and the point of honour. Now, drawing on Tacitus, Montesquieu reminds us that among the Germans hatred was quenched through a composition, as only two types of criminals were punished with death: traitors (by hanging) and cowards (by drowning).
The law of the sea is an up-to-date and comprehensive treatment of this branch of public international law. It begins by tracing the historical origins of the law of the sea and explaining its sources, notably the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea. This is followed by chapters examining the various maritime zones into which the sea is legally divided, namely internal waters, the territorial sea, archipelagic waters, the contiguous zone, the continental shelf, the exclusive economic zone, the high seas and the International Seabed Area. In each case the legal nature of the zone and its physical dimensions are analysed. Separate chapters deal with the baselines from which the breadths of most maritime zones are delineated and the law governing the delimitation of boundaries between overlapping maritime zones. Later chapters discuss how international law regulates the safety of navigation, fisheries and scientific research, and provides for protection of the marine environment from pollution and biodiversity loss. The penultimate chapter addresses the question of landlocked States and the sea. The final chapter outlines the various ways in which maritime disputes may be settled. Throughout the book detailed reference is made not only to the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, but also to other relevant instruments, the burgeoning case law of international courts and tribunals, and the academic literature.
The territorial sea is the first coastal State maritime zone seawards of the baseline and internal waters. This chapter traces its development as a concept, and then addresses the current legal status of the bed, subsoil and superjacent air space of the territorial sea. The breadth of the territorial sea is explained, with reference to relevant State practice. The chapter provides a detailed analysis of the right of innocent passage, including of warships and ships carrying hazardous cargoes, and of the right to deny and suspend passage. Other rights, as well as the duties, of the coastal State are discussed, including the scope of its legislative and enforcement jurisdiction over foreign vessels.
This manuscript highlights the voices of Bundjalung elders in northeastern New South Wales, focusing on the impacts of colonization, such as the continued (un)raveling of cultural practices. The authors explore how colonialism perpetuates the exclusion of Indigenous worldviews and knowledge. Nonetheless, Indigenous peoples continue to strongly demand and advocate for meaningful recognition and protection of their cultural property and heritage, rooted in their own systems of law and lore. Through a project embedded in the Bundjalung nation, they examine the value of “cultural property and rights and question whether culture can be governed or regulated. The “Stories behind the fishing net: Sitting with the aunties” initiative at Gnibi College, Southern Cross University, recorded oral histories and traditional net-weaving techniques, fostering community connection and cultural governance. The project highlighted the important roles that cultural practice and objects play in building community and culture between and among Indigenous clans within the Bunjalung nation.
In the aftermath of formal independence, two institutions, the East African Court of Appeal (EACA) and the University of Dar es Salaam School of Law, became important international barometers of the potential of post-colonial legal radicalism. Due to the unique power of federal Pan-Africanism in East Africa, the EACA survived the wave of dissolution that claimed similar colonial courts of law. If the EACA represented the formal apotheosis of one version of supranational law, it was the law school at the University of Dar es Salaam, which produced a deeper and wider development of legal thought about the circumstances of law in East Africa. The scholarship produced in Dar es Salaam not only undergirded the legal academies of multiple East African nations but proved globally influential for several left and left-liberal schools of thought. Despite the loose and imperfect coordination of these parallel bodies, the project of East African law shared by the Court and University provides unique insights into the opening for anticolonial or heterodox visions of the law that existed in the opening of twentieth century decolonization and independence. The legal institutions of federal Pan-Africanism usefully illustrate both the unexpected successes and structural limitations on atypical iterations of internationalist Global South legal radicalism.
In many parts of the world, the maritime zones (territorial sea, contiguous zone, exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and continental shelf) of neighbouring States overlap. If conflicts over resource exploitation and other activities in areas of overlap are likely, it will be desirable for the States concerned to establish a boundary between their overlapping zones, whether by negotiation, with the aid of a mediator or conciliation commission, or by recourse to arbitration or an international court. The UN Convention on the Law of the Sea provides limited guidance as to how such boundaries are to be delimited, especially boundaries between overlapping EEZs and continental shelves. Greater guidance has been provided by international courts and arbitral tribunals. The chapter begins by explaining the possible processes by which a maritime boundary may be established. It then analyses the relevant provisions of the Convention and the now substantial body of case law on maritime boundary delimitation. It also examines possible alternatives to a maritime boundary, such as a zone of joint management, as well as the obligations of restraint to which States are subject where there is no boundary or agreed alternative arrangement. Finally, the possible consequences of predicted sea-level rise for existing maritime boundaries are explored.
The contiguous zone is a zone of sea contiguous to and seaward of the territorial sea, extending up to 24 nautical miles from the baselines from which the breadth of the territorial sea is measured. In the contiguous zone, the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) provides that States have limited powers for the prevention and punishment of breaches of customs, fiscal, sanitary and immigration laws. The chapter begins by explaining the development of the concept of the contiguous zone and how the zone is delineated. Noting that a State must assert its right to a contiguous zone, the chapter considers claims made to a contiguous zone. It then addresses the legal status of the zone in detail, notably the scope of coastal State jurisdiction and the extent to which States claim contiguous zones for purposes other than those expressly set out in UNCLOS.
Fish from the sea have long been an important source of food for many human communities. The degree to which this will continue depends on how well marine fisheries are managed. However, various biological and socio-economic factors mean that such management is not easy, as the beginning of this chapter explains. The chapter continues by analysing the array of treaties and soft law instruments that attempt to provide for effective fisheries conservation and management, both within and beyond national jurisdiction. This body of law includes: the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea; the UN Fish Stocks Agreement; the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) Compliance and Port States Measures Agreements; measures adopted by regional fisheries management organisations and arrangements; various UN General Assembly resolutions, especially those concerning high seas drift-net fishing and vulnerable marine ecosystems; the Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries; and the FAO’s International Plans of Action, notably that on Illegal, Unreported and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing. The chapter demonstrates that this substantial body of measures has failed to prevent the unsustainable exploitation of around one-third of all fish stocks; the adverse impact of the fishing industry on species other than fish, including dolphins, turtles and seabirds; and the damage caused by fishing gear to vulnerable and ecologically important habitats. Various reasons for this failure are suggested.