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This chapter explores the role of relationship-building and how the informality of contacts that were developed in republican and loyalist communities through conversation and regular contacts helped to influence political responses and positions.
Russia’s ability to compete in the international economy is often underestimated. Russia’s potential to use economic instruments to assert its interests abroad is significant because its comparative advantage lies in the sale of strategically important goods. Consequently, Russia is one of the most important producers and exporters of hydrocarbons, and it has emerged as one of the leading exporters of armaments, nuclear power plants, and grain. Moscow has extended its economic and political influence well beyond traditional markets in Europe and the former Soviet Union.The desire to expand exports of strategically important goods is a theme consistently articulated by Russian officials since 2000. Since 2010, Russia has expanded such exports beyond traditional markets in Europe and the former Soviet Union. This is matched by an expansion of goods exports more broadly, with Moscow cultivating new markets across the world. Russia has been relatively successful in effecting these plans, especially in Asia and the MENA region. The expansion of strategically important exports has involved the coordinated action of a number of ministries and state corporations, and the Ministries of Agriculture, Energy, and Defence. Russia’s economic presence across the globe has significantly grown. Progress has not always been smooth. The relatively slow build time for NPPs has prevented Rosatom from fulfilling its export potential. And the threat of US sanctions may hinder Moscow’s drive to expand arms sales further. But these obstacles have not prevented Russia from emerging as one of the world’s leading suppliers of strategically important goods.
This chapter explains how the decommissioning debate was conducted and how the Irish influenced republican thinking on the issue by working with leaders on statements. It also focuses on how leverage was brought to bear on this problem through intense engagement and the building of trust.
Moscow has inherited the cartographic legacy of the Soviet Union, whose global mapping project forms the foundation of Russia's enhanced geospatial capability. The most comprehensive cartographic endeavour of the twentieth century involved the production of thousands of detailed topographic maps that covered the planet at various scales. This unparalleled resource of geospatial intelligence has encouraged a geostrategic perspective of truly planetary horizons, while the recent implementation of digital geospatial technologies, including geographical information systems (GIS) and satellite navigation, has enabled and facilitated Russian globally integrated operations. This chapter outlines Russia's geospatial trajectory from its inheritance of Soviet military mapping towards a unified geographic information space and evaluates the strategic advantages this offers.
In the early stages of the peace process, a series of global players insisted that the permanent end of the conflict would lead to the revival of Northern Ireland’s long ailing economy. That promised ‘peace dividend’ has, however, never materialised. Although the Good Friday Agreement was signed during a period of global economic expansion, the advent of peace would fail to change Northern Ireland’s status as one of the UK regions where poverty and worklessness are most pronounced. In spite of their supposed ideological differences, both Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) would adhere to neoliberal strategies that would merely compound the disadvantage of those communities that had suffered most during the Troubles. The immiseration of working-class districts would be heightened further with the introduction of the Welfare Reform Act in Northern Ireland. As we document in detail, the controversial changes to the social security system have led to even more glaring levels of poverty, indexed most graphically in the proliferation of food banks in the region. We conclude by suggesting that while the collusion of Sinn Féin and the DUP in the introduction of the new welfare regime has created the conditions of the possibility of a more leftist politics, historical experience counsels caution about the potential of such alternative voices.
The conclusion draws together the main strands of the interview findings and reiterates the key shifts that occurred from the Good Friday Agreement on. It highlights the problems involved in implementing the structures of peace and notes how a shift from ambiguity to clarity as a peace process goes on can create problems of rigidity and intransigence which make the promise of peace harder to achieve and can sour political relations as a result.
This chapter highlights the importance of strategic direction in negotiations and how convergent political positions were created and informed by an ethos of inclusivity. It also looks at the importance of deadlines in a peace process.
This book explores the seminal importance of the first UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972 – the Stockholm Conference – for the development of international environmental law. By bringing together world leading experts from academia and legal practice, the book charts the development of international environmental law in the 50 years since 1972 in the areas of nature and biodiversity, chemicals and waste, oceans and water, and atmosphere and climate, and with respect to structures and institutions, consumption and production, and human rights and participatory rights in environmental matters. It analyses how the ideas and concepts of the Stockholm Conference have influenced this development and explores the novel ideas that have emerged since then. It describes the approaches of the developed and developing countries in this process and the relationship between international environmental law and other areas of law, such as the law of the sea and international economic law.
Clergy formed a distinct and privileged group in later medieval society as regarded violent crime. Church law was intended to protect them from it, induce them to avoid it, and exempt them from secular justice following it. But in practice, were the clergy so separate from the violent culture around them and different from the laymen who dominated it? In the first full-length study of this subject in the later medieval period, Peter Clarke shows that clergy accused of violent and other crimes increasingly submitted to secular justice like laymen, seeking clerical immunity only as a last resort. It reveals that church authorities, in providing legal redress for clerical victims of lay violence, sought to heal divisions between laity and clergy, not to deepen them. Additionally, it explores the motives and contexts behind clerical involvement in violent crime, both as perpetrators and victims, revealing that clergy often acted similarly to laymen.
This article brings Cotterrell’s legal concept of community based on trust-based interactions in social life to expand the critical horizons of economic sociology of law (ESL) in its analytical, normative and empirical aspects for law and development in Africa. Dominant law and economics approaches sometimes see informal economic activity as an aberration and/or an obstacle in development. This article proposes an alternative way of looking at informality in development in Africa through the lens of ESL. As part of wider social life, economic life is about social interactions in production, exchange, distribution and consumption while legal life is about social relations in and under the law. Furthermore, ‘legal and economic life shape and are shaped by each other, as well as by the wider social, and more-than-human, world’. This calls for a framework that reconceptualises law in ways that are inclusive of the many state, social, economic and other normative orders such as informal economic activity in African societies that are continually interacting as part of wider social life.
Informal debt collection is a widespread but underregulated phenomenon in Southeast Asia, where institutional enforcement remains weak and access to formal credit is limited. This article offers the first comparative legal analysis of informal debt collection practices and regulatory responses in Singapore, Thailand, Malaysia, and the Philippines, with Australia serving as a reference jurisdiction. Drawing on a functionalist methodology, the study examines how sector-specific rules, soft-law guidelines, and general consumer protection law shape debt recovery processes across divergent legal and institutional contexts. It argues that informal collection methods, while often abusive, also reflect broader socio-economic conditions and governance gaps that cannot be addressed through technical legal reform alone. The article highlights emerging regulatory trends, including protections for small and medium enterprises, targeted safeguards for vulnerable debtors, and incremental licensing regimes, while cautioning against one-size-fits-all solutions. It proposes a phased reform strategy that combines national consolidation of legislative frameworks with the regional convergence of baseline norms around dignity, fairness, and enforcement transparency.
Pre-exposure prophylaxis (PrEP) is a critical intervention that greatly reduces the risk of HIV transmission, yet limited access to prescribing providers continues to constrain uptake in the United States. This study examines how geographic access to PrEP providers changed between 2020 and 2023 and identifies areas with limited access, referred to as PrEP deserts. Using the Integrated two-step floating catchment area method, this study finds that despite widespread gains in PrEP access, five states experienced increases in the total population living in PrEP deserts. Additionally, more than 5 million residents in states designated as priority jurisdictions under the Ending the HIV epidemic initiative gained geographic access to PrEP providers between 2020 and 2023. However, improvements were uneven: in some states, communities of colour experienced declining access and remain disproportionately represented in PrEP deserts. These findings highlight persistent geographic and demographic disparities in HIV prevention infrastructure despite recent federal efforts to expand PrEP availability.
The Wieser Report has emphasized how the European Financial Architecture for Development is characterized by a high level of overlap and fragmentation that produces inefficiencies in delivering aid. Fragmentation and overlap reduce the ability of the EU, the EU Member States, and the European financial institutions to compete as a single player with other stakeholders in the field of financing for development cooperation. To overcome this flaw, the Wieser Report has suggested changing the governance framework, proposing three options. One of these options would be to establish a European Bank for Cooperation and Development. The membership would include several stakeholders: the EU, the EU Member States, other European States, the European development banks, and the recipient countries. Including the recipient countries as full members would allow them to participate in defining and implementing the policy of the institution.
The Constitution of Uganda does not expressly provide for citizens’ right to participate in law-making processes. However, it can be inferred from the National Objectives and Directive Principles of State Policy and Article 38(1) of the Constitution. The drafting history of Article 38 shows that Ugandans are expected to participate in all affairs of government. In Male Mabirizi and Others v Attorney-General and Others, Supreme Court judges invoked foreign case law to interpret Article 38 as requiring meaningful public participation in the law-making process; however, in Hon. Fox Odoi and Others v Attorney-General and Others, it was held that those criteria were not applicable. I argue that the Constitutional Court erred in this, and that the process followed to pass the Uganda Peoples’ Defence Forces (Amendment) Act (2025) did not meet the criteria of meaningful participation. It was also contrary to the practice adopted by Parliament in processing other bills.