To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Poised between attentive ethnography and urgent critique, the chapter asks whether politics can be re thought by combining or seeing the connections between phenomena normally considered irrelevant and separated by scale. Specifically the politics that might emerge from a haircut. By tracing unruly affects and effects of the radiate outwards from the material presence of a bob cut.
The study explores the materiality of clock towers to understand how temporal order was constructed and changed in the late Ottoman Empire. It takes a microhistorical perspective with a critical realist lens. Specifically, it focuses on the 24 clock towers constructed between 1876 and 1909 outside Istanbul, remaining within the national borders of Turkey. In addition, the study has developed case studies of three “exceptional typical” clock towers at Kastamonu, Çorum, and Izmir. Results indicate that these clock towers were symbols of continuous and hybridized changes in the temporal construction of Ottoman societies. The study illustrates how alternative time conceptions can exist, combine, and transform autonomously, constituting a polychronous context. In addition to the Ottoman state, the local elite was central in negotiating and contesting the diffusion of modernity into their realms. The study contributes to understanding the politics of time from a non-industrialized and non-Western historical context.
This DiF paper analyses the 2021 Consultations for Central & Eastern Europe and Central Asia, conducted as part of the process underlying the United Nations Working Group ‘Report on human rights-compatible international investment agreements’. These consultations led to three unique conclusions concerning International Investment Agreements (‘IIAs’), which were absent in other consultations: (i) the ‘regulatory chill’ caused by IIAs with respect to human rights regulations is moot in authoritarian and ‘hybrid’ regimes in this region, (ii) IIAs tend to be perceived in this region as tools to protect human rights, which can spill over to other areas of socio-economic life, and as a source of inspiration and a model for building similar protections in such other areas, and with the potential to (iii) have a positive impact on the development of domestic laws (and their relationship with the rule of law and good governance reforms in developing host states).
The history of management (and its science) could be seen as a long attempt to master or dominate time. Whether it is objective, subjective, social, or processual, time is conceptualized by management as a resource or as a place of creativity. Management sciences focus on individuals’ temporal agency over the agency of time itself. However, managers’ daily experience, the literature in social sciences (Rosa, 2003), or some authors in management science (Johnsen, Toyoki, 2019; Holt, Johnsen, 2019) show that individuals are not masters of time, and even may suffer from it. In this work we want to take seriously the agency of time itself, and build a new managerial posture where managers no longer dominate time but learn to “deal with it”. Our desire here is to build a theoretical framework that takes seriously the domination of time over us. From this negative conception of time, we want to redefine the process of temporal structuring as a way for individuals to inhabit it. The aim of this process is not to dominate time but to “deal with it”. This theoretical framework must be able to restore a balance between individuals’ temporal agency and the agency of time.
This chapter explores the material temporal work involved in protecting a radical artistic innovation, conceived ahead of its time, from incomprehension and projecting it into the future in search of receptive audiences. Inspired by the trajectory and recent rediscovery of the pioneering abstract artist Hilma af Klint, we suggest that it is temporal agency (i.e. anticipating of and acting upon one’s future significance) and material temporal work (i.e. influencing, sustaining, or redirecting interpretations of time through materiality) that enable the radical artistic innovation to reach receptive audiences, spanning over a century. We distinguish two processes of material temporal work: bifurcating time by working in parallel along established and unknown temporalities, and bridging time by narrative construction, waiting time, and emotional resonance with distant-future artists, museum curators, and critics. Taken together, these two processes power time as the ultimate organizer of a radical artistic innovation’s comprehension and appreciation, i.e. engage time in the politics of meaning.
Drawing on a combined ethnographic and historical case study of BLOX, a landmark building in Copenhagen, this chapter advances a processual understanding of buildings by exploring the intersection between materiality, temporality, and politics. We analyze organizing processes unfolding between the material building and public, private, and philanthropic organizations. We distinguish between three dimensions of the building’s material temporality, which we analyze drawing on an event-based approach: historicizing the building through time, projecting the building over time, and enacting the building in time. While the ‘projecting’ and ‘enacting’ dimensions are inspired by prior work on material temporality, our study adds the ‘historicizing’ dimension. We develop an empirical model showing the interplay between these three dimensions. A main implication of our study is to show how the organizing effects of material buildings emerge not only from their material durability, but also from their temporal malleability. In closing, we discuss implications for a temporal understanding of affordances and propose a temporally relational view of affordances.
In this chapter, I explore the different temporal layers involved in entrepreneurship. Entrepreneurship is the process of bringing something into being that did not exist before – either a new venture, product or service – and this process can only be understood if we consider how entrepreneurship unfolds in time. However, there is no ‘one’ time of entrepreneurship. Instead, time have many layers that are expressed in the way that entrepreneurship unfolds. To explore these layers, I draw on insights from the philosophy of time, and show how these insights are valuable for thinking about entrepreneurship. I focus on two ways that time relates to entrepreneurship. The first is the way that entrepreneurship is a journey or process. The second is the way that entrepreneurship involves actions that take place in time. Although these two aspects of entrepreneurship are interrelated, they must nevertheless be understood against the backdrop of different categories of time.
This chapter begins by unpacking the concept ‘technical image’, as explained by Vilém Flusser. The technical image is used by Flusser to describe the camera as the machine at the start of a new imagining regime, culminating in video and computer-generated images. My use of Flusser’s term is slightly different. I would like to use the method for analysing images given to us by Flusser, but use the term ‘technical image’ to unpack and explore the differences between synthetic images – images that present viewers with a unified whole – and images that break a pre-given unity into discrete pixelated elements. I try and go further than Flusser’s original formulation of the technical image by tracing its genealogy in much older media used for measurement and the particalisation of events: these are what I refer to in this essay as analytical media. I argue that analytical media, which pre-date the synthesis of the cinema, are now returning in the world produced by technical images. From here, I look at some contemporary artworks that further explore what it is to live in the conditions produced by these machines and how this produces a different temporality.
This chapter investigates the relationship between temporality and the maintenance of an institution by focusing on the role of material artefacts that instiante it. The pressure of time can not only challenge institutions that are often considered temporal, but also their material artefacts which can face decay or damage. In line with some institutional scholars for whom institutions never completely die, we consider material artefacts as “remnants,” i.e., as traces that remain of something that once existed. As such, those artefacts can be brought back to life, and by consequence the institution they instiantate, through what we call “reactivation work”. This “reactivation work” performed on material artefacts can follow a conservative approach, in reactivating artefacts as they were originally designed in terms of material and/or meanings, or a progressive approach, to make them fit with more contemporaneous or future expectations. Whatever the temporal approach, we believe this alternative view on institutional maintenance and material artefacts offer new paths for exploring the life of institutions and, more specifically, their possible atemporal nature.
Government is the custodian of the most critical (and limited) factor of production, namely, land. Assuring the security of tenure, arbitrating disputes, and facilitating the transfer or sales of titles renders the land market more efficient and less volatile, attracting investors and promoting sustainable urban development. Land tenure security is also a critical government service that has repercussions on agricultural productivity, housing development, business investment, and the development of urban areas. However, land administration is mired in corruptive practices, elite capture, and inefficient allocation. Globally, only 24% of rural areas are mapped (46 in urban areas), with approximately the same percentage registered, that is, 22%. In Africa, only about 14% of rural land is formally recorded in a public register. Land tenure security can take a variety of forms depending on national regulatory frameworks that allocate land and specify its use. Success stories include transferable user certificates in China and individual land titles in Rwanda. Systematic evaluation of the evidence on tenure programs demonstrates that improved tenure security increases agricultural output (40% on average), increases urban land values (25% on average), and increases household welfare (15% on average). Other observed country-specific benefits include additional years of schooling, better academic performance, access to credit, reforestation, and improved household nutrition. The costs of establishing tenure security in Sub-Saharan Africa include the separate costs of rural (US$ 3 billion) and urban (US$ 2.2 billion) land registration; the cost of digitizing land registries and information to improve efficiency and transparency (US$ 880 million), the cost of strengthening institutions and systems to resolve land disputes and manage expropriations (US$ 960 million) over a ten-year implementation period, and land administration operations and land records maintenance over 30 years (US$ 64 billion). The net present value (8%) of costs is US$ 21.7 billion for rural land tenure and US$ 5.3 billion for urban areas. The benefits of rural land registration were based on the observed 15% household wealth effect noted in the literature. The net present value (8%) of a 30-year benefits stream is US$ 396 billion. The benefit–cost ratio of completing and modernizing land registration and improving land administration coverage and effectiveness in rural Sub-Saharan Africa is 18. The benefits of urban land registration were based on the average 25% increase in property values observed in the literature. Using housing prices for the 20 largest, Sub-Saharan African countries, the net present value (8%) of the benefits over a 30-year period is US$ 237 billion, yielding a benefit–cost ratio of 45 when the average housing price is used. When the population-weighted housing price is used, benefits are valued at US$ 160 billion, yielding a benefit–cost ratio of 30.
The doctrine of historical supersessionism proposes that the distant past is of no importance to the present. This chapter argues that Positivism, a child of the Enlightenment, and a dominant paradigm in management and organisational research has resulted in the supersessionist rejection of Aristotelian thought. The chapter will draw on Alasdair MacIntyre’s apologia for Aristotle, and the contemporary discovery of phronesis in the social sciences. It will discuss how Gadamer’s hermeneutics of trust can facilitate dialogue between Positivist and Aristotelian scholars. Consequently, Gadamer’s concept can contribute to the study of organisations, artefacts, and practices, as it advocates the necessity for cultivating hermeneutic sensitivity and phronesis in all dimensions of human life. The study also proposes Husserl’s idea of epoché as a methodology to examine historical supersessionism and assist the work of resolving contemporary prejudices and misunderstandings.
In this chapter we explore the multi-temporalities and organisational challenges that emerge in telework adopted by public sector organizations, looking at how temporal structures from office and home eventually collide. We interviewed 32 civil servants from six different Brazilian public sector organizations that freely opted to work at home in a pre-pandemic period. Our findings reveal contradictions related to how teleworkers perceive temporal structures shaping their daily activities in home office. Such contradictions emerge as temporal structures from office and home may not allow accommodation, mainly for synchronous tasks.
As we have seen in the context of this rich, edited volume, numerous ways are possible for the exploration of organization as time and the political description of this process as power, emancipation or ethics. A politics of time, at the intersection of critical management studies and process studies, is particularly promising. In this short conclusion, we would like to invite Management and Organization Studies (MOS) researchers to explore five continents: digitality, narrativity, materiality, time-space and subjectivity as five promising ways to think of a politics of organization as time.
Firstly, digitality, in particular digital images (see Barker, 2012 and Chapter 1, this volume, or de Vaujany, 2022a), are more and more central to our ways of working and organizing. Beyond a new visuality, they often settle new temporalities for what is produced through their happening, and these new temporalities also correspond to new forms of power, of agencement, of violences, of state domination.