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In 2006 and 2007, Timor-Leste experienced a violent political crisis, mostly centred in the capital Dili, which led to a renewed UN peacekeeping presence. While the catalyst for the crisis was the spill-over of tensions within and between Timor-Leste’s security institutions – the national police force (PNTL) and the national defence force (F-FDTL) – there was significant impact on the broader population, resulting in over 100,000 internally displaced and the widespread destruction of property. However, the subsequent UN peacebuilding activities and policy outcomes all took on a male-centric focus, especially via the focus given to Timor-Leste’s security institutions. Although a number of women worked to alleviate the societal tensions that had been exposed as a result of the crisis, they were excluded from high-level negotiations. Several theorists have suggested that despite women’s complex and highly differentiated roles in conflict and peacebuilding, they are often essentialized as victims, limiting the remit of their recognised contributions. The approach to gender work undertaken in Timor-Leste from 2006 can be understood through two theoretical frameworks: the connection between the ‘gendering’ of women, or assigning essentialist roles to women as part of being ‘gender aware’; and the victim-narrative that dominated institutional policy discussions on gender and women in post-crisis Timor-Leste.
The UK National Institute for Health and Care Excellence (NICE) recommends CBT for people with psychosis, yet many do not access therapies promptly, and duration of untreated psychosis predicts poorer outcomes. In addition to systemic service issues, it is likely that insecure attachment, common in people with psychosis, constitutes a key barrier to therapy. If we can articulate attachment patterns in terms of interpersonal beliefs and behaviours, we will be better placed to engage people in CBT. We used a cross-sectional design to examine theoretically predicted relationships between attachment style and (1) beliefs about self and others, (2) underlying assumptions, and (3) help-seeking intentions, across the psychosis continuum – in analogue and clinical samples. We recruited a general population analogue sample with elevated levels of non-clinical paranoia (n=172) and a clinical sample with self-reported psychosis (n=130). All completed standardised measures of attachment, beliefs about self and others, underlying assumptions and help-seeking. Regression analyses showed that insecure attachment predicted higher levels of negative self- and other-beliefs, and problematic underlying assumptions, and reduced help-seeking intentions, with some differences in patterns across analogue and clinical samples. Attachment is associated with CBT treatment targets and can inform psychological formulation and treatment. Our measure of assumptions may have been inappropriate for the clinical group. We conclude with public health, service level, and clinical implications to improve engagement and outcomes in CBT for psychosis.
Key learning aims
(1) Everyone with psychosis should have access to recommended treatments including CBT, but many do not.
(2) Insecure attachment is common in people with established psychosis or elevated levels of non-clinical paranoia, and may be a key barrier to accessing therapy.
(3) We show that insecure attachment is associated with (1) beliefs about self and others, (2) underlying assumptions, and (3) help-seeking intentions.
(4) Attachment style can inform CBT formulation and intervention, and wider service level and public health campaigns designed to improve engagement and outcomes for people with or vulnerable to psychosis.
This chapter explores how understanding and supporting working memory can lead to measurable performance improvements, particularly in educational and workplace settings. The authors clarify that while the core capacity of working memory is difficult to expand through training, strategic interventions can significantly enhance performance on memory-reliant tasks. Emphasis is placed on improving task execution through environmental adaptations, the use of compensatory strategies, and supporting executive functions such as time management, sequencing, and planning. The chapter criticises commercial brain-training programmes for their lack of generalisability, instead advocating for applied, context-specific approaches that improve real-world functioning. Techniques such as spaced rehearsal, verbal self-instruction, and chunking are discussed as effective methods for enhancing working-memory efficiency in meaningful tasks. The chapter also highlights the importance of supportive environments – including informed educators and employers – to optimise task demands and reduce unnecessary cognitive load. Ultimately, performance improvement is presented not as a by-product of innate memory enhancement but as a result of deliberate, structured support that enables individuals with dyslexia to apply their strengths and manage their limitations more effectively.
Often overlooked, internal displacement affects millions around the globe. Colombia’s protracted conflict, which has internally displaced approximately six million people (IDMC 2015a, 2015b), has embedded social exclusion and violence as features of everyday life for many Colombians who find themselves living in informal settlements on the urban periphery. Increasingly, connections between urban exclusion, insecurity and poverty can be read as a ‘violent’ failure of citizenship (Koonings and Kruijt 2007, 12) that negates the lived experience of those on the margins. This chapter contends that despite this negation those who struggle to survive make claims of the right to belong to (and in) the city through placing their bodies in public spaces as well as finding new articulations of place and belonging amongst the complexities of the everyday. Through exploring these acts this chapter asks how the internally displaced challenge established notions of the right to the city and are prompting alternative articulations of belonging.
This chapter presents empirical data from over 1,400 adult diagnostic assessments conducted over a 10-year period. It demonstrates that dyslexia persists into adulthood and is characterised by persistent cognitive-processing weaknesses – most notably in working memory. The assessments were carried out using a structured protocol that includes cognitive tests (primarily the WAIS-IV), rapid-naming measures, and targeted literacy evaluations. The authors emphasise that diagnostic assessments should not merely assign labels but provide meaningful explanations that foster understanding and self-advocacy. They criticise checklist-style assessments and instead advocate for a parsimonious, individualised approach that respects the person’s reported challenges. Importantly, the data reveals consistent patterns: while many adults with dyslexia demonstrate strengths in verbal and non-verbal reasoning, they also show notable discrepancies in working memory and processing speed. These differences help to explain functional difficulties and inform targeted strategies. The chapter reinforces the importance of ipsative analysis – comparing a person’s abilities against themselves – to identify meaningful discrepancies and promote effective support. Overall, it positions cognitive testing as a crucial tool for not only diagnosis but also empowering individuals to understand and navigate their difficulties.
This chapter explores working memory as the central cognitive deficit associated with dyslexia, emphasising its critical role in learning, reasoning, and performance. Working memory is described as a limited-capacity system responsible for holding and manipulating information over short periods. The authors differentiate between components of working memory – such as auditory and visual memory – and demonstrate how deficits in these areas can affect tasks such as reading, writing, problem solving, and conversation. Drawing from psychological theory and empirical research, the chapter discusses how working-memory inefficiencies underlie many of the behaviours and skill deficits seen in people with dyslexia. Examples include difficulty following multi-step instructions, forgetting verbal information, and being unable to manage competing demands. The authors also highlight how limitations in working memory can result in performance inconsistencies, which are often reported by clients. Assessment using tools such as the WAIS-IV helps identify these weaknesses and guide support strategies. Ultimately, this chapter reinforces the view that dyslexia is best understood not solely through academic outcomes but through an understanding of the cognitive systems that support performance – particularly working memory.