After Constantine was buried in Constantinople in 337, the senate at Rome voted to deify him. In inscriptions his sons, the new senior emperors Constantine II, Constantius II, and Constans, advertised their descent from deified Constantine and deified Constantius I. Legends claimed that Constantine had once seen a cross in the sky, accompanied by a caption, “conquer in this.” This exhortation became common in inscriptions.

This chapter offers a chronological overview of the Islamist ideological opposition to Zionism. It explores the different pragmatic approaches toward Israel that have developed in the various epochs of Islamist thought, particularly in relation to previously signed agreements with Israel. Islamist opposition to the Zionist idea is as old as Islamism itself. The Six Day War resulted in a resounding Arab defeat that signalled the end of progressive pan-Arabism as the dominant force in Arab politics, although it would continue to wane as empty rhetoric for decades to come. Seen through an Islamist prism, the humiliation of the Six Day War served as a vindication of the principles of Hasan al-Banna's ideology. A skill characterizing Islamist thought is the formation of pragmatic policies that do not challenge ideological and religio-legal foundations. The meta-historical perspectives are the conspiracy theory of the 'cultural attack' and the anti-Semitism of the Islamist worldview.

Although emperor for over thirty years (306-337), Constantine always shared imperial rule with colleagues, first fellow Tetrarchs, then his sons. During his reign he traveled thousands of miles along the northern and eastern frontiers. But he still relied on senators and municipal notables as administrators. Cities flourished, and traditional cults were still common. Inscriptions provide the most revealing evidence about provinces, cities (including Rome), senators, local notables, and cults.

After defeating Licinius in 324, Constantine ruled as senior emperor with his sons and a nephew as junior emperors. In the eastern provinces dedications honored the emperors. At Orcistus in Phrygia a famous set of inscriptions commemorated Constantine’s patronage. Dedications celebrated the emperor’s support in the new capital of Constantinople, as well as at Ephesus, Antioch, and Athens. At Aksum in Ethiopia inscriptions celebrated the victories of king Ezana.

At Rome dedications honored Maxentius, a usurping emperor. But after Constantine’s victory in 312, dedications and statues of Constantine honored his assistance. One prominent commemorative monument was the famous Arch of Constantine. Other dedications celebrated Helena, Constantine’s mother, as well as prominent senators and their careers in the imperial administration. In catacombs and cemeteries many epitaphs remembered Christians, and Constantine funded the construction of the Church of St. Peter.

Before 324 the dominant emperors in the Balkan and eastern provinces were Galerius, Maximinus, and Licinius. In honor of their benefactions, cities erected dedications and statues. Inscriptions also indicated that the senior emperors introduced new honorific titles to placate dissatisfied junior emperors. In Asia Minor some epitaphs celebrated Christian notables and their families.

In this chapter I consider the moral status of radically impaired persons, such as those in a persistent vegetative state. Drawing on earlier arguments in the book, I show that human beings in such states retain their personal nature and entitlement to immunity from intentional killing.

Islamist thought has, from its beginning, regarded certain aspects of Zionism and eventually of the State of Israel as examples that should be followed. Common to Israeli thought on the conflict is the dichotomy between Arab Islamists who are the enemies of Zionism, and Arab liberals who are partners for peace. The 'peace camp' has emphasized that Israel should withdraw from all the lands that it occupied in 1967, but has also called for the promotion and intensification of diplomacy to end the conflict. The military triumphs of democratic Israel have encouraged liberals to attack undemocratic Arab regimes that use the conflict as a pretext to delay political reforms. Despite their many deep ideological differences, Islamists and liberals alike have identified social cohesion, political realism and activism, long-term planning, scientific and technological development, gender equality and pluralistic democracy as important factors in Israel's success.

One of the sensitivities accompanying Islamism is that the term originates from Western researchers, some of whom employ a critical approach toward the phenomenon. The main faction of Islamism adheres to wasatiyya, or the 'harmonious golden path'. Contemporary Arab intellectuals who define themselves as liberals portray Arab liberalism as an ideological heritage that draws on the guiding principles of Western liberalism to issue specific demands from Arab societies. Yehoshafat Harkabi's book, The Arabs' Position in Their Conflict with Israel, was one of the first to explore the image of Zionism, Jews and Israel in the Arab discourse of the 1950s and 1960s. After the decline of pan-Arabism, from the 1970s to the Arab Spring, Islamist movements grew stronger, increasing their influence in matters of society and culture, but had yet to take over the government of any Arab state.

In this chapter I respond to the claim that medical assistance in dying (physician-assisted suicide, euthanasia) is justified if refusal or withdrawal of life-sustaining care is. I conclude with a reflection on the importance of a norm against intentional killing to the medical profession

In this chapter I argue that God’s love and goodness make it impossible for him either to intend the evil of human death or to delegate the authority to take a human life. This concludes my argument for the absolute norm against intending death.

Rationalism and pragmatism have been the two cornerstones of Arab liberalism from its dawn to contemporary times. One of the prominent liberal voices rejecting Zionism was that of Taha Hussein, who was close to the Wafd although he did not hold an official political role until 1950. Rooted in the thinking of the late 1940s and crystallized in the 1970s, a broad liberal agreement blamed the despotic nature of Arab regimes for their failures in the fight against Israel. The 'refusal camp' promoted a stance that argued for democratization on the assumption that, without democratization, Arab societies will be ill-equipped for a struggle against Israel. To Ala' al-Aswani the Israeli-Egyptian peace has been a historical mistake. The resurgence of pragmatic liberalism began in Egypt parallel to a measure of flexibility in the position of the regime after the defeat in the Six Day War.

Constantine patronized new construction in cities in the western provinces. Inscriptions celebrated the renewal of the forum at Arles and imperial assistance at Lepcis Magna in North Africa. Dedications also exposed the working of the imperial administration, in particular the roles and the number of praetorian prefects.