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Systems Prevention means transforming all of public policy and the relationships between its components. The authors call this reform the construction of a national Health Society. They identify the three main pillars of the changes required as institutional change, community change and technological change. Change affecting these three pillars needs to be concurrent. Health (as needs satisfaction) should be at the top of the agenda of all branches of national and local government. The critical role of central government is in coordination and this finds institutional expression in health becoming the responsibility of a Deputy Prime Minister and in the modern plagues all being identified as risks on the National Risk Register. The Health Society has significance for every department of government and some of these are explored.
In recent years, there have been calls to work against the ‘neo-liberal’ university in the UK, especially as metric systems such as the Research Excellence Framework (REF) and more recently the Teaching Excellence Framework (TEF) are introduced. With REF in particular, there is a need to demonstrate the impact academics have made with their research, which could include advising and sharing our research with governmental bodies. Being part of the neo-liberal university means that research is only deemed ‘impactful’ if it engages with the very structures which are creating and perpetuating the harmful policies scholars are trying to dismantle. For example, work on the Prevent duty may very well require scholars to engage with the Home Office to demonstrate they are trying to implement ‘change’. However, scholars of colour are aware that their bodies as visible Muslim women in these spaces can be harmful and so we often question who their research is really for. This chapter calls for a politics of refusal as a way to address how universities create uneven spaces of knowledge production and for a fundamental rethink of what it means to refuse the current conditions for engaging in ‘impactful’ work. Although the starting point is the university, the chapter seeks to demonstrate that a politics of refusal is also necessary beyond the university space, especially in these turbulent and violent times.
In sociology, aesthetics have become an important lens for exploring the sensory dimensions of political and economic processes, with research on urban aesthetics contributing significantly to this field. However, much of this work focuses on how aesthetic forms serve the interests of political and economic elites, portraying aesthetic value as a direct product of political ideologies. While these approaches have shown that urban aesthetics are shaped by power struggles, they pay limited theoretical attention to less straightforward aspects of aesthetic politics—such as cases where clashing values, imperatives, and commitments meet. This gap is particularly pronounced in places shaped by violent histories, where the value of urban beauty might be inevitably entangled with loss, ambivalence, and co-existence with unwanted materialities. This article proposes an approach that foregrounds the dilemmas and compromises inherent in urban aesthetic politics, focusing on the varied practices through which people negotiate how to care for urban aesthetic value over time. I develop this approach through a case study of Klaipėda, Lithuania—a city shaped by layered aesthetic transformations, from state annexation to socialist modernisation to post-Soviet nation-building and Europeanisation. Using mixed-methods research, the article highlights differences in how people articulate what counts as good and bad aesthetics and which forms of material care—or neglect—are “appropriate” to sustain the city’s desirable aesthetic appeal. In doing so, the article reveals complex gradations of value underlying seemingly coherent aesthetic ideals of Europeanness.
There are no significant technological obstacles to achieving the Health Society. However, there is work to be done in constructing national infrastructure: a secure, national data and sample management system is necessary. This will permit disiy and use of new biomarkers for estimating reduction in risk and will enable continual estimation of changes in health risks in the population.
In June 2017 Suhaiymah Manzoor-Khan had a poem go viral online, ‘This Is Not a Humanising Poem’. Accruing two million views in a few days, the poem seemed to resonate with people far and wide. It was a condemnation of the culture in which Muslims are asked to ‘prove their humanity’ by distancing themselves from ‘terrorism’. The poem was written a day after the London Bridge attack, as an attempt to resist the gazes upon her body and the multiple emotions raised – she asked whether her refusal to write a humanising poem meant she was radical – ‘Is this radical? Am I radical? ‘cos there is nowhere else left to exist now.’ This chapter outlines some of the thought process that went into the poem, and the trappings of performing it too, as, ironically, since then, whilst she has received invitations to appear, perform and talk on many stages both nationally and internationally, people have often reproduced and reduced her work and thoughts in a way that means she often struggles to navigate a line between palatability and honesty. The chapter homes in on a few key moments subsequent to the initial poem that highlight the way racism functions to trap us.
Studies conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic highlighted that confinement reduced access to services and increased caregivers’ responsibilities and isolation.
Objectives
This study examines the longer-term impacts among 83 unpaid caregivers of older adults from four Canadian provinces.
Methods
Participants completed an online questionnaire between October 2021 and February 2022, and again 6 months later, on the assistance provided, support received, language of services, and psychological well-being. Additionally, eight caregivers participated in a qualitative interview.
Findings
Most home support services were maintained during the pandemic – some with restricted staffing – except for respite and transportation services. Caregivers increased their assistance during the lockdowns, and this higher involvement persisted in 2022. They perceived a negative impact of the pandemic on their health and that of the care recipient. Participants from official language minority communities described additional challenges accessing services in their preferred language.
Discussion
Greater recognition of caregivers’ needs will help support their role as partners within health organizations.
This chapter demonstrates how people perceive risk through a lens of hopes and fears. Perceptions of risk are illustrated by how we react every day to predictions of changes in the weather. When precise estimates of risk are hard to make, institutions manage risks to and within their organisations by using risk matrices based on experience of how severe are the effects of a risk being realised. This may take the form of a traffic light system that combines the scale and severity of a risk. In a health context where there is sufficient data such as the health risks of tobacco use, risk can be measured more precisely allowing the ascertainment of relative risk, absolute risk and attributable risk.
Many of the words that this book uses with precise definitions are in common usage with definitions that are less precise. Common usages and their limitations are illustrated and discussed in this chapter in order to prepare the reader for more precise definitions.
Wages earned by men are often used as an indicator of the material standard of living (MSoL). However, this indicator relies on several assumptions when used for comparisons across time and space. Considering these assumptions will improve estimates of the MSoL from wages. One necessary assumption is that households in the compared populations relied on the primary income of the male head of household to a comparable degree. I demonstrate that the degree of reliance on the male income was closely associated with the complexity of households within the population. Nuclear households – typical of English-speaking countries – were more reliant on the male income than more complex households found elsewhere. Consequently, estimates based on male wages are less accurate for populations with complex households, likely underestimating their MSoL. While the complexity of households in historical populations is seldom known, it can be predicted using demographic and economic indicators. I conclude that populations at similar stages of industrialization and the demographic transition are the most comparable when using male wages to estimate their MSoL. Further, I use a reductive model to show that a household’s MSoL is determined by the following three factors: time spent on productive work, the market wage for men, and the female/male (F/M) wage ratio. My analysis shows that including the F/M wage ratio does not change the ranking of the MSoL based on male wages. Nonetheless, I argue that there are compelling reasons to expect the wage ratio to be a useful addition when comparing the MSoL of historical populations.
This book provides answers to two sorts of questions. It explores, on the one hand, how and what sociological ideas were developed in the Scottish Enlightenment. And, on the other hand, how the ideas of the Scottish Enlightenment would emerge and develop in subsequent traditions of sociology. Scottish Enlightenment thinkers developed and refined a descriptive-explanatory approach and methodology to explore social and economic processes - an approach that was different from the normative and justificatory aspirations of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century social and political philosophies. This distinct contribution of the Scottish Enlightenment is frequently overlooked, even if some of its central figures are acknowledged as important forerunners of contemporary social sciences.
This book offers a synoptic view on individual contributions and a connective view of theoretical achievements that are otherwise typically treated in isolation.
This volume deploys recent feminist epistemological frameworks to analyze how concepts like knowledge, authority, rationality, objectivity and testimony were constructed in Greece and Rome. The introduction serves as a field guide to feminist epistemological interpretations of classical sources, and the following sixteen chapters treat a variety of genres and time periods, from Greek poetry, tragedy, philosophy, oratory, historiography and material culture to Roman comedy, epic, oratory, letters, law and their reception. By using an intersectional approach to demonstrate how epistemic systems exclude and pathologize the experiences of ancient women and other oppressed groups, these contributions aid in the recovery of non-dominant narratives and reveal issues of sex, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual identity, religion, age, class, familial status and citizenship in the ancient and modern world. The volume contributes to a more inclusive and equitable study of classical antiquity and builds transhistorical connections capable of exposing similar injustices in our own time.
Prehispanic antiquities from the Americas became a recognizable aesthetic, scientific, commercial, and legal category over the long nineteenth century. This article maps out the actors, sites, and material and ideological configurations involved in its creation and development. The first section examines the Iberian antiquarian tradition that brought preconquest artefacts into circulation as epistemic objects from the mid-1700s, against the backdrop of growing interest in material vestiges as objects of investigation. The article then turns to the collecting scenes in the newly independent Spanish American countries, where creole elites, local museums, and foreigners competed for antiquities, driven by their own diverse interests. The third section explores the ways in which, by the mid-1800s, “paper technologies” functioned as heuristic tools for knowing, organizing, and interpreting antiquities, affording ontological density to specific objects and groups of objects and leading to the construction of regimes of knowledge and expertise devoted specifically to them. Finally, the fourth section reconstructs the national and international institutionalization of the preconquest past in the late 1800s and early 1900s—through the consolidation of national museums and the establishment of archaeology and ethnography as scientific disciplines—to consider how these processes entrenched these antiquities’ significance and meaning.