This chapter provides an overview of the Subanon experience. It explains the role which their engagement with Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) has played in their quest for meaningful implementation of their rights, and the rights of other Philippine indigenous peoples. CERD engagement with the Subanon case has assisted the Mt Canatuan community in their struggle to assert their rights. From 2004 onwards the Subanon adopted a strategy based on two mutually reinforcing rights assertion approaches. The first approach was to invoke their own customary legal system. The second approach was to focus on international fora to seek remedies for their grievances. In 2011, after fifteen years of sustained resistance to the mining project, the Subanon decided that further resistance was unlikely to bring substantive changes. They also decided that their priority was to resolve the serious divisions which the project had caused in their community.

Why did a country adept at squeezing out surplus family members since the Famine, one that defined itself as monocultural, one that found it difficult to accommodate its small Jewish, Protestant and Traveller minorities, somehow embrace large-scale immigration? This book examines the role of social policy rather than symbolic politics in promoting or impeding integration in Ireland. A core argument is that integration debates and goals cannot be meaningfully detached from the social inclusion goals understood to apply to Irish citizens. The conversations about integration conducted from different angles in different chapters are variously framed in conceptual debates about social capital, cultural capital, human capital, and human capability. Various chapters examine institutional barriers to integration in the domains of education, social policy, and politics and citizenship. Collectively, the literatures on capabilities, social capital, cultural capital, and psychological well-being emphasise the complexity of processes of social exclusion and inclusion.

This book has illustrated how in practice different logics were at work to decide on a person's sex (re)assignment: sex as inscription, sex as the body, and sex as the self. Fragmentary evidence from medical case histories reveals long periods of silence, secrecy, non-intervention and tolerance before a case of doubtful sex was disclosed to a physician. The dislocation a sex reassignment brought about in every possible respect as well as the awareness of how others were dishonoured retrospectively, could affect a hermaphrodite deeply. The rationale of sex as inscription did not rule out the rationale of sex as a due representation of physical sex. At the turn of the twentieth century, the logic of the category of sex started to be cut off both from outward, physical appearance and from its inscription in a sexed social and moral body: it turned inwards.

This chapter describes how physicians' relationships to the law had become troubled by the end of the nineteenth century. It discusses the conflict between legal purpose and a humanitarian perspective that came to a head in discussions concerning plastic surgery on genitals and secondary sex characteristics. It is shown that when doctors were not consulted within a legal context, their diagnostic role was decidedly not the same as that of a judge. Some physicians had strong doubts as to whether the gonads alone should be decisive within a legal context. J. Riddle Goffe presented a brief summary of state-of-the-art medical thinking on hermaphroditism in which Goffe shows himself to be a true believer and supporter of the gonadal ‘true sex’ theory. Both Franz Ludwig von Neugebauer and Fred Taussig took the patient's ‘sexual desires’ as the marker of psychological sex. The position of hermaphrodites underwent structural change.

This chapter is a sequel to Chapter Two, providing ananalysis of how profits are generated withincommercial enterprises producing for the market. Itargues both against both Marx’s one-sidedproductionist view and contemporary one-sidedmarket-based views. It presents an alternativeintegrative approach, proposing that profits requireasymmetries of economic power over both workers andconsumers.

One way in which young refugees might gain the right of entry to Britain was by offering proof of their acceptance by a British school, although they still required a British sponsor who would guarantee to cover the costs. Britain's twelve Quaker boarding schools are said to have offered 100 scholarships to refugees. Winchester College offered five free places to refugees, which were advertised by the Earl Baldwin Fund. Amongst the prestigious private, fee-paying secondary schools in the Manchester region which offered places to refugees in 1938 and 1939 either at no cost or at a reduced rate, were Manchester High School for Girls, Kingsmoor School in Glossop, Culcheth Hall School in Bowdon and Bury Grammar School.

This chapter considers some methodological and theoretical issues constituting the context for this book. It first introduces the reader to the sources that are the basis of the book: the medical case histories of over three hundred adult hermaphrodites published between the late eighteenth century and the start of the twentieth-century. It then briefly describes how this book is aligned with the field of the history of the body and the history of the self, as well as with the history of same-sex sexuality, cross-dressing and hermaphroditism. Franz Ludwig von Neugebauer's Hermaphroditismus beim Menschen is explored. This book was the basis for the search for sources regarding hermaphroditism. The changing medical enactments of doubting sex in clinical practice over the nineteenth century became the framework for Doubting Sex. Moreover, this book discusses how hermaphrodites themselves told physicians they dealt with their situation.

The Rotarian experience might give those inclined to portray the late 1930s and early 1940s in simple terms as a battleground between European Fascism and democratic values exemplified by British institutions, further cause for thought. Although leading Manchester Rotarians were prepared to thus contextualise their club's policies, it seems clear that not all Manchester Rotarians were free from the kind of prejudice which, in its more intense form, had inspired Nazism. Of those who were, not all were prepared to pay respect to the particular heritage of the Jewish people. Humanitarian intent towards refugees, whether of the British state or of British voluntary organs of philanthropy, however real, however valuable in its results and however conceptualised as an expression of a distinctively British tradition, was tempered by equally traditional concerns about the character and impact of ‘Jews and other foreigners’.