The identification of varieties (dialects) — which requires relating linguistic features to major social categories such as class, age, gender, ethnicity and geographical origin — is one of the main achievements of variationist sociolinguistics. The task is central to the aims of sociolinguistics in two ways. First, it reveals the presence of structured heterogeneity within linguistic variation. Second, it accounts for the social meaning of linguistic variants: through the definition of bounded “social”, “regional” or “ethnic” varieties, so-called inter-speaker variation is directly associated with group membership and linguistic features become social identity markers.

The impact of anatomical transformations on the acquisition of sounds by infants remains poorly understood. Using the Variable Linear Articulator? Model, we simulate vowel production in the course of non-uniform vocal tract growth. Production abilities related to vocal tract growth are described by simulating French vowels, generated by assuming that sensori-motor control abilities are identical in newborns and adults. Despite small vocal tract size, an infant is able to produce all the vowels of its first language. The recurrence of certain units in the babbling inventory is attributable to motor control immaturity and cognitive abilities. Simulation of articulatory fibers provides a more accurate view of the relation between articulatory strategies and acoustic targets. The results highlight differences relative to labial and lingual articulators.

Optimality Theory predicts that harmonic scales can be encoded in grammar in one of two ways: either as markedeness hierarchies or else as faithfulness hierarchies. Although most current researchers assume that harmony is encoded as markedness, many investigators have argued that some harmonic relations are better captured as faithfulness hierarchies that prevent the deletion or insertion of less harmonic elements. We demonstrate that at least two perceptually-motivated harmonic scales — notably relative vowel height as well as consonant glottalisation — need to be encoded in the grammar as faithfulness hierarchies which require that more harmonic elements, which are also more perceptible, are more faithfully adhered to. Our harmony-as-faithfulness analysis captures the fact that the same elements which undergo deletion also undergo insertion.

Like many other Salish languages, in Halkomelem Salish, with transitive verbs, it is not possible to combine a 3rd person with a 2nd person. We propose that this *3/2 constraint is morphological in nature. This departs from previous analyses which have taken the *3/2 constraint to be the effect of a hierarchy of [person] and/or [animate] features. One consequence of analysing the *3/2 constraint as morphologically based is that person/animacy hierarchies are not primitives in the grammar. In particular, we show that person-based gaps in transitive verb paradigms receive a morpho-syntactic explanation, and that apparent restrictions on the distribution of the [animate] feature actually reflect the lexical semantics of the predicate.

Lexical borrowings provide important clues regarding the internal structure of segments. We focus on the internal structure of the front rounded vowel /y/ and the arguments which led us to maintain that /y/ is a simple vowel. The unpacking of /y/ in /ju/ in many Russian borrowings from French, German, and several languages of the Turkish family is not the consequence of /y/ including two vowels underlyingly but the consequence of the fact that Russian allows the majority of its consonants to be palatalized. The front rounded vowel /y/ includes the feature combination [−back] ~ [+round]. When an adaptation strategy causes [—back] to delink from /y/ in Russian, [—back] is salvaged by the preceding consonant when this consonant is palatalizable, thus yielding the realization /Cju/.

This article compares the results of measurements of objective language data with the subjective judgments of linguistically naïve individuals. The comparison is based upon recordings of speech orientated towards the standard language. The data surveyed are from the West Middle German city of Mainz and the northern Low German city of Neumünster. In both cases, recordings of council meetings, in which members of a defined social group are acting in an authentic situation, were evaluated. The data were first measured using a technique designed to quantify the phonetic divergence from the standard language. Subsequently, the recordings were played to various groups of non-specialists from different regions in both the Low German and Middle German dialect areas. Participants were asked to assess the speech of the councillors on a seven-step rating scale. The results show a high similarity between the intersubjective measurement of linguistic items and the metalinguistic judgments of the listeners.

Based on data from a Mid-German dialect area of Dresden, this article presents research on the structure and functions of regionalized intonation. The Dresden data comes from informal conversation-like settings and illustrates a contour that is typical of the Dresden city vernacular: a contour previously named and described as the Dresden Fallbogen. An analysis of the phonetic forms and phonological structures of the contour is provided, and its use and function in conversational interactions is described. Additional methods of investigating the perception and identification of these contours by subjects in an experimental setting are also given. The article concludes with remarks about the possible relevance of this contour as a signal of identity.

This paper presents the results of a survey conducted by the CLA in 1996-1997. Mail-in questionnaires were completed by 110 Canadian linguists from all regions of the country, 71 of whom (65%) were female, and 39 (35%) male. Following an overview of the literature dealing with women in academia in general and linguistics in particular, a summary of the background and status of the respondents is given. The results are presented thematically, exploring (i) the division between teaching, research and committee work; (ii) mentoring; (iii) financial support; (iv) the relative prestige of sub-disciplines. Of note is the fact that SPSS analyses show very few significant differences when sex was taken as a variable. The quantitative results provide a snapshot of linguistics in Canada in the late 1990s, and coupled with the numerous comments provided by respondents, point to issues that need to be addressed by the Canadian Linguistics Association. These are summarized in the Conclusion as a series of recommendations to the Association.

Drawn from ethnographic data collected in a small coastal village on Cape Breton Island, where tourism-related industries are emerging in response to the deep sea fishing crisis that hit the area in the early 1980s, this analysis focusses on the effects of tourism on linguistic practices and representations. It is argued that these effects are not without consequence on the way French-speakers in the region (re)construct their identity.

Increased contact with outsiders leads to two seemingly contradictory tendencies: differentiation and standardization. These two strategies exert a marked influence on the social structure of the Acadian community. In this particular case, speakers must constantly negotiate an equilibrium between the desire to assert their specificity through discriminating traits that showcase their linguistic as well as cultural differences, on the one hand, and their need to communicate with a broader audience, on the other, the latter entailing a certain degree of linguistic standardization. This analysis focusses on how these speakers manage to perform this balancing act between differentiation and standardization.

This article shows that linguistic variation is part of a speaker’s social repertoire and is used to achieve specific purposes. In order to better understand how social forces in specific contexts influence language varieties, I examine linguistic practices and the representation of these practices unfold in two economic settings involving minority francophone communities in Canada: a call centre (in southern Ontario) and the tourism sector (in Alberta).

Traditional accounts of style isolate individual variables and situate their use along a formality scale. Because it abstractly represents speaker interaction, this approach imposes a taxonomic distinction between stylistic and social constraints. By focussing on single variables in isolation, such accounts wrench individual variables out of the context that defines them. Recent accounts of style recognise the context-dependency of social meaning. We must therefore consider how a particular combination of linguistic and extralinguistic resources interact to produce an overall style that subsumes the traditional style/social constraint distinction. I explore how the styles created by a community of girls function to produce a system of distinction (Irvine 2001) in their high school, by considering how each group uses morphosyntactic and discourse-related variables to define themselves in relation to other social groups. The analysis reveals that sociolinguistic meaning is never achieved by a single group in isolation, but is the consequence of a collaborative negotiation of available resources.

This article questions the common usage of the concept of “linguistic variety” and the usual view of vernacular speech as the expression of a speaker’s identity. The term “variety” in linguistics has an ambiguous status: it is used to describe “linguistic representations” (social constructs) as well as actual linguistic practices. An alternative way of understanding the function of varieties in the sociolinguistic space is proposed: we explain how varieties relate to speech styles in a way that captures the social significance of linguistic variation. A case study about vowel lengthening in the French spoken in Belgium is then presented. Through both a quantitative and qualitative analysis, it is shown how marked regional variants are used to produce a particular social meaning, even among middle-class speakers.