Pending further investigation I shall call ἔνθα (‘there, then; where, when, etc.‘) an adverb. I put it into a class of anaphoric substitutes, and regard it as cloven into three sublcasses:

1. A. Demonstrative, non-connective

2. B. Relative, subordinating

3. C. Demonstrative, connective

This study of unequal comparison was undertaken in order to establish with greater precision the distinction between the uses of que and de to connect the elements of the comparison. The problem is neatly stated from the English standpoint as ‘que and de as translations of than’. The material covered—approximately a million running words of Spanish and Spanish American authors, in addition to responses from a number of native speakers—was broad enough to enable some other conclusions to be reached besides those embraced by the original problem. The written sources include a wide variety of modern literary, scientific, and journalistic prose.

Quedar and quedarse form one of the pairs of a fairly large number of common intransitive verbs (caer, morir, ir, reír, venir, estar, parecer, salir, etc.) the uses of whose pseudo-reflexive and non-reflexive forms have traditionally been catalogued in that limbo category of constructions which can only be explained by the Sprachgefühl of the native. Information on the uses of these forms is, consequently, exceedingly scant. The Diccionario de la lengua espanola notes the presence of some of the most troublesome aspects of the problem only with its uncritical and ubiquitous ‘Úsase también como reflexivo.’ The one indexed reference to quedar in the Academy grammar is concerned with an unqualified, one-sentence statement indicating that quedar, like dejar, llevar, and estar, may be used as an auxiliary to form a compound with a past participle. Andrés Bello recognizes the problem but confines his explanation to the assertion that in the use of the reflexive form of intransitive verbs ‘percibiremos cierto color de acción que el sujeto parece ejercer en sí mismo.’ Bello also maintains that ‘estarse es permanecer voluntariamente en cierta situación o estaoo’ and that ‘la misma diferencia aparece entre quedar y quedarse, ir e irse.' On the American scene, M. M. Ramsey categorically states that quedar ‘may be used optionally with or without the reflexive., Hayward Keniston is more cautious. He includes quedar in the general group of intransitives sometimes used reflexively and affirms that ‘the use of the reflexive pronoun’ with intransitive verbs ‘is strongly affective in character and indicates that the speaker has some special interest in relating the action or state to the subject of the sentence.‘

This experiment was undertaken to determine whether a definite relation exists in French between the duration of a vowel and its variations in color. Conforming with the terminology of Martin Joos, we use the word color rather than timbre or vowel quality. Within a limited range any vowel sound may undergo some variation in the frequency of its formants without losing its identity. This study will attempt to show that in French a definite relation exists between these frequency variations and the length of an [a] sound.

Some 445 spectrograms of the French sound [a] were examined. The samples were of the broad-band or 300-cycle-filter type—all recorded from pronunciations of a single native informant. At the time the spectrograms were made, the speaker made no conscious effort to preserve the color of the vowel. He was primarily concerned with the pronunciation of the consonants which sometimes preceded and sometimes followed the [a] sounds in question.

Albanian appears as an orderly and consistent derivative of the Indo-European system in spite of Latin and other penetrations, which have an interest of their own. The linguistic picture is more difficult to reconstruct than that of Slavonic or Baltic, owing to the large amount of borrowing from Latin, Greek, Venetian, Slavonic, and other sources, the remarkable absence of the usual terms of kinship and farming in this language of a hill-dwelling shepherd people, and the fact that, as in Armenian, phonological breakdown has given rise to greater ambiguity of interpretation.

Morphophonemics, as the term is used here, subsumes every phase of the phonemic shape of morphemes: the typical shapes of alternants, the types of alternation, and the various environmental factors (phonological or grammatical) which elicit one alternant or another of those morphemes which appear in more than one shape. This usage is broader than some which have recently been described, for instance by Bloch and by Wells.

The present study is an attempt to describe, in terms of form, the position of the actor expression in the colloquial Spanish of present-day Mexico. Regional, social, and chronological differences are disregarded, provided the material observed belongs, in the writers' opinion, to the colloquial form of speech.

Procedure. The material was collected during a stay in Mexico, from June 1948 to February 1949.1 We gathered literary examples from nine colloquial texts, representing different dialects and different social strata. This literary material we checked and enlarged with the help of informants, again from different regions and different strata. The bulk of the examples on which the investigation is based were secured from the informants, rather than from the texts: the language of even colloquial literature is often too artificial or too folksy to represent normal usage.

Introductory. In earlier papers of this series, Japanese forms are cited in a transcription that purports to be phonemic; the system that underlies the transcription is briefly outlined in the footnotes. On closer examination that system proves to be untenable. Instead of being purely phonemic, it is heavily influenced by unformulated morphophonemic considerations, and even, to some extent, by the traditional representation of Japanese in roman letters. There is room, then, for a new and more careful study of Japanese phonemics, based solely on the sounds that occur in Japanese utterances and on their distribution. Such a study is the object of the present paper. The dialect to be investigated is the modern standard colloquial, defined as the speech of educated persons native to Tokyo.

In Lg. 24.56-63 (1948), M. B. Emeneau re-examines the problem of taboos on animal names, with special reference to the IE names for the bear in Slavic. Collecting nearly the whole literature on the subject, he demonstrates that there is as yet no satisfactory explanation: why was the original IE name for the bear (represented by Lat. ursus, Gk. árktos, etc.) displaced in Slavic by a compound meaning ‘honey-eater’ (Russ. m'edv'éd'), in Baltic by a word meaning ‘one who licks’ (Lith. lokỹs), and in Germanic by a word meaning ‘brown’ (Eng. bear)?

Emeneau summarizes the two current theories. Frazer and Meillet believe in a ‘hunter’s taboo’: when the animal is hunted, the utterance of its name is forbidden because, understanding human speech, it would either escape or become dangerous to the hunter. (Emeneau rejects at once Meillet’s additional explanation, that the name is not used because the animal is ‘repugnant’.) Keller, Schrader, and Gray, on the other hand, believe in a ‘religious taboo’: for the primitive hunter, the bear was in some way part of the world of gods and demons; to name it gave the bear the power to harm the hunter. According to this view, the original name of the bear in the Germanic, Baltic, and Slavic languages had a ‘religio-demonic meaning’.

Students of dialect geography recognize, in general, three types of speechareas. A FOCAL AREA is one whose economic, cultural, or political prestige has caused its speech-forms to spread into surrounding areas. A RELIC AREA is one whose geographic or cultural isolation has permitted the preservation of older forms that have been lost elsewhere and has prevented the spread of local terms. A TRANSITION AREA is one which has undergone influence from two or more directions, so that competing forms exist in it side by side. Focal areas are studied because they set the patterns for standard types of speech; relic areas because they are able to throw light on earlier stages of the language; transition areas because they may help us to see what happens when population spreads from an area of early settlement to one of later settlement, or when arteries of communication are developed between areas of different cultural backgrounds. The speech patterns of a transition area are likely to be more complex than those of the other two types. For this reason there have been comparatively few studies of transition areas; this paper is a preliminary study of such an area. It attempts to find out what problems a linguist may expect to encounter in investigating transition areas, and to suggest what further studies might be desirable.

In Chaucer's Miller's Tale (A 3767 seq.) we find the following remark addressed by Gerveys the locksmith to Absolon, the amorous parish clerk:

What, Absolon, for Cristes sweete tree,

Why rise ye so rathe? ey, benedicitee!

What eyleth now? Som gay gerl, God it woot,

Hath brought yow thus upon the viritoot.

Material for the following two sketches was gathered in January 1949 at Korhogo, Ivory Coast, and at Sikasso, French Sudan. This study was made possible by a grant from the American Council of Learned Societies, and by the generous hospitality of the Conservative Baptist Mission at Korhogo and the Christian and Missionary Alliance, which has a station at Sikasso.

According to the best information available in advance, it was expected that this would be a study of ‘the Senufo language’. In both areas, the people and the language are commonly known as ‘Senufo’ to the French, to missionaries, and to traders of other tribes. However, it was soon discovered that natives of the Sikasso area and natives of the Korhogo area speak languages which are not mutually intelligible; the informant used at Sikasso was taken to Korhogo, and found it necessary to communicate with the people there in Bambara, the trade language of the area, or in French.

The informant for this material is a native of the village of Mulaso, French Sudan, about 25 miles west of Sikasso. A brief comparison of the speech of a Sikasso informant indicates that there is little dialect difference between the two places. One interesting difference noted is the apparent absence in Sikasso of a distinction between two morphotonemic classes of verbs which exists in Mulaso. Another brief comparison of the speech of an informant from some 45 miles northeast of Sikasso indicates considerable dialect difference; the range of phonetic variation within phonemes seems to be much less, and some differences in the phonemic system were observed. However, the latter informant and the Mulaso informant understood each other easily, and both insisted that their speech was ‘the same’. The precise extent of the Sup'ide area is, however, not known.