I have tried to show (Language 3. 109–22) that Hittite h occurs where the Indo-European languages have bh initial, and I can now make two or three additions to the material there presented. In Language 4. 122 f. I have connected halanta ‘head’ with Greek φαλός·λευκός, φαλακρός ‘bald’, and Sanskrit bhālam ‘forehead’, on the assumption that the original meaning of the Hittite word was ‘bald’. Hittite haš-, hašh- ‘open’, must be identified with IE *bhosos ‘naked’, whence Lithuanian bãsas ‘bare-foot’, Old English bær, etc. The verb pihiš-, which, accompanied by the adverb arha, means ‘strike off, cut off, take off’ or the like, contains the verbal prefix pe-, while hiš- is an extension in s of the root which appears in IE *bhei- ‘strike’ (Old High German bīhal ‘axe’, etc.), and whose extended form *bheid- means ‘split’ (Sanskrit bhinadmi, Latin findo, etc). Another instance of h = bh after the verbal prefix pe- is pehar(k)- ‘hold towards’ (Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi 4. 2. 2. 25, Keilschrift-Urkunden aus Boghazköi 13. 4. 4. 37) beside har(k)- ‘have’ on which see Language 3. 117 f.

One of Hrozný's Hittite etymologies which may fairly be called obvious is the connection of šipanti 'he pours a libation' with Gk. and Lat. spondeo. Hrozný, to be sure, translated the word ‘opfert’, and thus lost the most convincing item in the case. The precise meaning of the word was established by Sommer and Ehelolf, who, however, somewhat pedantically refused to recognize the IE etymology except by implication; they mentioned it only in a parenthesis, ‘ohne damit der Verbindung mit σπϵ́νδ∈ιν das Wort reden zu wollen’.

Of the four sibilants which the cuneiform symbols are capable of expressing, Hittite evidently had no use for two; s and ṣ occur so rarely in Hittite words that we are justified in explaining away such instances as are found (e.g. one should read zé rather than ṣe). The commonest Hittite sibilant is ordinarily written by the symbols which most Assyriologists transcribe áš, šá, iš, ši, uš, šú, etc. It corresponds etymologically to Indo-European s (šagg- ‘see’ = Gothic saíhwan, šipand- ‘pour a libation’ = Greek σπέvδω, šittar ‘star’ = Sanskrit star-, ešun ‘I was’ = Skt. āsam, ešhar ‘blood’ = Skt asr̥k, kwiš ‘who’ = Latin guis, etc.). The simplest interpretation of the facts would lead us to pronounce these words with s, and there is nothing in the history of the cuneiform writing to conflict with such an interpretapretation.

If we threw a cork out on the waves of a pond, it would rise and fall as they passed under it. From the time it rode one crest until it dipped down and came up on top of the next, would represent one double vibration, and the number of such dips it had to make in a second would show the speed at which the wave was travelling and could be represented in d.v./sec. So, if it made 100 such dips in a second, we would say the waves were travelling at the rate of 100 d.v./sec.

Hindus of reflective tendencies have always been much given to linguistic analysis and speculation. All Indian systems deal more or less with problems of the nature of language, the relation of sound to sense, etc. When the time comes for a general History of Linguistic Theories, the Indian section will bulk large. While none of the recognized philosophic systems can be neglected, the three most important ones from this standpoint are, no doubt, the Vaiyākaraṇikas or grammatical school (most prominently represented by Pāṇini), the Naiyāyikas or followers of Nyāya, and the Mīmāṅsakas or school of the Pūrva-Mīmāṅsā.

The Classic Latin words for ‘reed’ were harundo, f. and calamus, m.; the first, apparently, has not come down in any Romance tongue, the second is Ital. calmo, Fr. chaume ‘thatch’ and chalumeau ‘rustic pipe’. The Roman people also used for ‘reed’ canna, which was a borrowing from the Greek, and this word has been a flowing source of derivatives in all the Romance languages. The present paper aims to show that the list of derivatives is even more extensive than has been supposed.

In the recently published third volume of his Indogermanische Grammatik Professor H. Hirt, in his strikingly original and suggestive way, has unfolded a panorama of the history of the formation of IE nouns which differs so radically from the conception of the majority of scholars both in many details and in his general point of view, that it will be of the utmost importance to examine the credibility of his theories and the reliability of his methods. This is true all the more because his presentation, as elsewhere, through its clarity, through the interest which it arouses, and through the confidence with which it is presented, is apt to fascinate the minds of those who have not yet formed an opinion of their own, but are seeking orientation in the problems of IE linguistics for the first time.

This verb appears in a single folk-tale from Cuenca, New Castile, in three examples: 239 (‘— !Ay, yo tan bonita y venir a por agua! !Arrula, arrula, cantarillo! Y lo echó a arrular y se rompió en mil pedazos.‘)

Several words are used to express parenthood in the Republican period, but such terms as genitor, genetrix, creator, creatrix, omniparens, and sator are used very infrequently. Some of the major authors of the period use no words of parenthood other than pater, mater, and parens, and in the others the number of occurrences is so trifling that we can limit our study to the three words most commonly employed.

The general argument of Walleser (Sprache und Heimat des Pāli-Kanons) is as follows: The agreement of all old sources that the language in which the Tipiṭaka was brought to Ceylon was that of Māgadha is too strong to be lightly cast aside. The capital of Magadha was Pāṭaliputta (Sanskrit Pāṭaliputra). In Buddha's time it was known as Pāṭali-gāma Tāṭali Village.‘ Walleser accordingly goes back to Wilson's theory that Pāṭaliputra is a transformation of Pāṭalipura Tāṭali Fortified Town.‘ The language therefore would be known as Pāṭalī Bhāṣā, or simply Pāṭalī, in the same way that the language of Magadha was known as Māgadhī. Now it is well-known that in the Middle Indo-Aryan dialects stop consonants (when unaspirated) have a marked tendency to drop out, and frequently the vowels thus brought into hiatus contract. Examples of this are found even in Pāli, thus Kusināra (Sanskrit Kuśinagara). So Pāṭali could become Pāali and finally Pāli. As a parallel on the Asokan inscriptions Peteṇika (so!), from *Prātiṣṭhānika (a vṛddhi derivative of Pratiṣṭhāna) is adduced. Hence Pāli is the language of Pāṭaliputta (Sanskrit Pāṭaliputra). The charge that Pāli can not have had its home in Magadha because of its phonetic and grammatical peculiarities can be met because this does not take into consideration the wide territories of Magadha: within these a rather considerable range of dialectic peculiarities is possible; again, Pāli as a literary language existed over too long a stretch of time to expect uniformity in every detail; Pāli being contemporaneous with Buddha is naturally more archaic than the Asokan dialects, but in any case Pāli is near the dialects of the eastern Asokan inscriptions.—A wealth of literary references are given by Walleser to support his views, and a number of other linguistic points are treated incidentally.

The history of English since 1050 may be regarded as consisting of two periods with the year 1300 as a very rough terminus ad quem for the first and terminus a quo for the second. The period from 1300 to the present has been characterised by very extensive changes in the phonetic form of English and by important syntactic changes but not by correspondingly great changes in the morphological pattern of English speech. The morphological changes in nouns and adjectives have been almost wholly the result of the loss of final e and to a very small extent the result of analogical processes. Analogical processes have resulted in important changes in the inflectional pattern of verbs but in verbs also changes in morphological structure have been to a much greater extent the result of other causes, especially the displacement of forms ending in -en by forms ending in e and the subsequent loss of final e.

Certain forms of the Greek word for ‘mix’ which have γ instead of κ as the final of their root-syllable, e.g., the present μíγνυι and the 2nd aorist ἐμíγην, appear to be anomalous when compared not only with the other forms of the same Greek verb but also with its cognates in other Indo-European languages, where all forms point to as the primitive IE root-final. Boisacq derives μíγνυμι from pIE *mei- and states, without further comment, that ‘le grec a la gutturale douce’. Walde, s. v. misceo, gives the Greek cognate as ‘mit Media’, but makes no remark on the phenomenon except to reject Wackernagel's theory of an independent origin for μíγνυμι. Apparently, then, Boisacq and Walde explain the disagreement in root-finals by the theory of the socalled variation of the root-determinative.