To assess the possibility of regiolect formation, we evaluated the pronunciation similarity between Frisian, Town Frisian, and Low Saxon varieties between the 1980s and 2020s. This included comparing their similarity to Standard Dutch over time. Speakers in 32 locations in both periods translated a Standard Dutch word list into their local dialect. The corresponding recordings were transcribed and consequently analyzed using the Levenshtein distance. We found evidence of regiolect formation in the Frisian and northern Low Saxon areas. Strong convergence to Standard Dutch was found in the areas bordering the Hollandic dialect area and one area in the province of Overijssel. An in-depth analysis showed that low- and high-frequency words were most likely to change and that speaker characteristics interact with convergence and divergence patterns. The findings confirm the importance of including multiple speakers per dialect location and accounting for speaker characteristics in dialectological research.

According to census data, the North-East of Scotland is one of the strongholds of the Scots language. However, its “Doric” dialect is undergoing change, with linguistic studies reporting a loss of traditional dialect features. This article focuses on Inverurie—a town whose population has increased almost threefold since the 1950s as it has become an important commuter hub for Aberdeen.

By comparing perceptions of older and younger speakers, the results of this study support accounts of a shift away from the region’s distinctive dialect, observed through weakening of the perceived urban/rural divide, youngsters’ lack of identification with traditional identity labels, and—most importantly—differing accuracy rates when geographically placing a speech sample from an older resident. Conversely, the fact that such results are not found among youngsters surveyed in some other North-East communities suggests that linguistic change may be afoot at different paces in different parts of the region.

This contribution presents a perceptual dialectology study conducted with 123 Albanian-speaking participants, who rated the correctness and pleasantness of speech around Albania. We investigate how ratings were modulated by three factors: a well-established dialectal division within Albania, relative urbanization across the country, and the participants’ dialect backgrounds. These three factors were found to interact in the correctness and pleasantness ratings given by the participants, which is generally consistent with previous perceptual dialectology studies conducted in other linguistic settings but also highlights some nuances and complexities in this relationship. While heavily urbanized centers in central Albania were rated as highly correct and pleasant independently from prior dialect descriptions or dialect background of the participants, in one dialect area, less urbanized counties were rated more pleasant. We argue that these insights from non-linguists could serve as starting point for future scientific inquiry.