Refugee women's experience in Britain is affected by a range of factors, including their experiences prior to arrival, their attitudes towards their migration, access to social and economic institutions, the presence of community associations and social networks, and the impact of refugee policies. Refugee women's language skills, childcare responsibilities, education, employment, and immigration status will all have an important impact on their integration. The fact that UK asylum policy refuses to recognise the integration needs of asylum seekers in terms of language learning and access to employment, for example, has an impact on the experiences of refugee women both before and after their asylum decision. This chapter takes a roughly chronological approach to refugee women's experiences of life in Britain, beginning with their arrival in the country and ending with their integration or removal. It looks at housing for asylum seekers, along with racism, hostility, and domestic violence encountered by refugee women, poverty and destitution, detention, the use of immigration detention for pregnant women and babies, access to health services, maternity care, deportation, and family and community relations.

This chapter focuses on the construction of British identities and the patriotic dimensions of the anti-Market discourse. It argues that while post-war nationalism is generally conceptualised as the outpost of extremism, a greater understanding of the phenomenon is gained from acknowledging its pervasive and therefore banal relationship with the conduct of everyday life. This chapter examines the theoretical constructs that might help account for the endurance of nationalism in a globalising era and the mechanisms which facilitated the imagination of British identities and sustained visions of national uniqueness. It also identifies the specific components of British identity that were manifested in the first application debate or the ones that lent themselves to manipulation in the anti-Market discourses.

This chapter explores the ambiguity in the relation between violence and vulnerability to determine the putative difference between legitimate and illegitimate forms of violence, and between presumptions of innocence and culpability in relation to war. It argues that the capacity to wound is the original meaning of the word vulnerability, which is only secondarily defined as the susceptibility to being wounded. This chapter also considers the violence undertaken by the U.S. against detainees at Abu Ghraib. It also contends that the ambiguous position of the body in relation to technology within the Western imaginary makes it appear as both vulnerable and threatening.

This chapter investigates the early Stalin era and the launching of the first Five Year Plan. It also describes the renewed enthusiasm for communal living which accompanied the Plan. The first Five Year Plan generated considerable fear. Housing management played a major role in identifying likely candidates for disenfranchisement during the first Five Year Plan. Communal housing and plans for the reconstruction of byt enjoyed a much greater level of official support. The development of gigantic new factory enterprises across the country was one of the key features of the first Five Year Plan. Rabotnitsa stressed the particular benefits of communal living to women. It also reported with enthusiasm that workers were coming round to the idea of communal living. The inadequacies of domestic facilities meant that most of the women living in Magnitogorsk continued to act as domestic servants.

This chapter outlines the political thought of the traditionalists associated with the Conservative Party. It describes core ideas of the traditionalists as a strong sense of patriotism, defence of the established social order and respect for tradition and authority. The chapter examines the ideas of five thinkers: two journalists and three academics, namely, T. E. 'Peter' Utley, Shirley Robin Letwin, Maurice Cowling, Roger Scruton and Peregrine Worsthorne. Utley's statement of his Conservatism, and arguably one of his best pieces, Essays in Conservatism, also set out to critique the post-war drift of Party policy. Letwin contributed to the political thought of the Conservative Party, both as a researcher and tutor at the London School of Economics and through her involvement in the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS). The economic policies pursued by the Thatcher Government were deemed a success by Scruton, especially policies of privatisation and control of the trade unions.

This chapter examines the Partito Comunista Italiano's (PCI) perception and presentation of the movements of the second cycle of contention in Italy from 1972 to 1977. It analyses the key framing strategies employed by the PCI's daily paper l'Unità in relation to the key movements of the second cycle. It discusses the party's description of radical groups as adventurists, the youth movement as disorganised lumpenproletariat, and the armed groups as provocateur. This chapter suggests the weight given to these different framings corresponds to the different stages of the PCI's interaction with the movements.

This book has used historical institutionalism because it not only forces us to take the long-term view of an institution's development, but also gives us insights into norms and values, institutional contexts, agents and ideas, path dependency and critical junctures, all of which assist in the analysis of institutional persistence and change. It is in facilitating consideration of the context in which parliament and its reform exist that the application of the historical institutionalist lens provides the most value. The historical development of the Westminster parliament in Britain points to three central norms and values that contribute to its structured institutional context: parliamentary sovereignty, ministerial responsibility, and party government. Parliamentary reform is pursued as a means to enhance the efficiency and effectiveness of the House of Commons and the House of Lords.