This chapter examines the influence of the European Union (EU) on labour migration policy-making in Spain and Great Britain and evaluates the impact of Europeanisation on immigration policy. The analysis reveals that the Spanish policy on immigration as a system constructed with an explicitly EU-dimension does seem to be more receptive to subsequent EU developments than the British. Despite this, both Spain and Great Britain have arrived at a similar policy position on labour migration via different routes at different times, and with varying levels of influence and institutional contacts with the EU. The findings support the argument that models of the policy process with more developed conceptualisations of the ways in which ideas and knowledge play a role in policy-making might be better suited to understanding how the EU affects domestic policy-making.

This chapter introduces the case studies of Greece and Ireland, which were considered as social agents in the 1990s. It analyses the nature of the Greek-Irish comparison as social agents and suggests that this analysis allow us to elucidate the materialisation process of the hegemonic discourse of globalisation. This chapter contends that the European Union (EU) factor in the communication of globalisation discourse is challenging because the EU is both a part of and a response to globalisation.

This concluding chapter sums up the key findings of this study on the historical connection between Scotland and the Caribbean in the later part of the eighteenth century. It suggests that support and patronage of their networks played an important role in Scots' transition from a Scotland in a state of flux to a Caribbean beset by enormous challenges. The groupings of the Scots were based on precisely the kind of social relations within kinships that had characterised Scottish society for generations. This chapter contends that the Scottish-Caribbean interaction throws into sharp relief the idea of the imperial relationship as a process of accommodation.

This chapter examines the development of policy theory as it relates to labour migration, exploring the conceptualisations of ideas and knowledge in the policy process according to each account. It reviews existing theories of migration policy-making and evaluates their application to the cases of Spain and Great Britain. This chapter also identifies a range of possible intervening variables that could affect ideas and knowledge about migration, including migratory history, demographic factors and political system.

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study on materialisation hegemonic and globalisation discourses in Greece and Ireland. The results indicate that while political economy and domestic institutions play an important role in the materialisation process of hegemonic discourse, they cannot account on their own, combined or separately, for the materialisation of globalisation discourse. The countries examined and the findings presented here point to the significant limitations of the models-of-political-economy approach to international political economy.

The very existence of the British Union of Fascists (BUF), formed by Oswald Mosley in October 1932 after the failure of the New Party, was enough to command the attention of the left parties, regardless of its aggressive campaigning. They invested considerable time and effort in analysing and opposing the BUF, addressing many of the issues that divide historians of fascism today, and, in so doing, have bequeathed an invaluable body of evidence, often overlooked, concerning the composition, policies and activities of Mosley's movement.

This chapter argues that the form of democracy for which alterity is a problem is a very impoverished one for this is a polity in which the public good has all but disappeared. It discusses the difference between the so-called share-holder model of democratic practice that is prevalent today and a notion of responsibility towards others that is produced when one is subject to their gaze in public. This chapter reviews the debates concerning the shift from public to private ballots in the nineteenth century and analyses the kind of community that is formed on the basis of self-interest. It also proposes a democratic practice that embraces rather than excludes alterity, whereby voters are held responsible for the effects of their choices.

This chapter considers first fifteen years of internal security co-operation, both within the Third Pillar more widely and more specifically in terms of developments in police co-operation and counter terrorism. It suggests that despite the positive record found in terms of Europol's development, the EU's wider record of converting its occasionally inflated rhetoric into practical reality is sadly insubstantial. This chapter highlights the lack of clarity in the objectives of police co-operation and counter terrorism and the difference between means and ends in relation to the development of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). It speculates on the future of the Third Pillar and suggests that EU should work towards steadying the existing foundations of internal security co-operation and building both greater credibility and legitimacy in this area.

This chapter sums up the key findings of this study about impostors and impostures in early modern England. Early modern English men and women regarded a wide range of activities as impostures. The term impostor usually referred to someone who deliberately deceived, cheated or swindled others, and to anyone who assumed some feature of identity that was not his own. The victims of impostors ranged from peasants to monarchs, and included prestigious scientific institutions.

In the aftermath of the Anglo-Boer War, whites in South Africa pursued two strategies that distinguished state formation from the path followed in the USA: they constructed a centralized state, and authorized state officials to intervene extensively into the economy. In response to mounting pressure from employers and white workers, successive governments from 1910 onwards embarked on a campaign to modernize and boost the interventionist powers of the state. They did this chiefly by empowering the state to control the turbulent industrial arena and the field known as ‘Native Affairs’, both of which were still ambiguous and uncertain in the decade after 1910. The combined drift of these trends reinforced a state-oriented perspective within the white population generally. In South Africa, all roads led to the central state. Employers turned to the state to administer a labour-allocation system sufficiently flexible to meet their competing labour demands; white workers pressured the state to actively eliminate the ‘poor white problem’; and the segregationist state garnered greater powers for itself to modernize and strengthen the racial order. The early consolidation of a broadly statist ideology and the establishment of an interventionist state are central to the differentiae specificae of racial violence in South Africa: the absence of communal violence amidst high levels of private violence against blacks.