Ireland began Elizabeth's reign as a kingdom under the English Crown, and ended it as a quasi-colony. Fortifications provided a military solution to a political problem. Military technology evolved prodigiously in the sixteenth century, and the new regime in Dublin benefitted from advances in Renaissance warfare. In her own country, Elizabeth fortified Berwick against the Scots, sought to control the main sea passages with forts in the Channel Isles off Normandy and the Scilly Isles off Cornwall, and erected defences in the southeast against Spanish forces should the Armada prove successful.

This chapter examines the Brezhnev era and the unanticipated problems which the ‘single family apartment’ had spawned in the course of a generation. The housing shortage continued to have a negative impact on byt and other aspects of personal life, particularly those relating to gender. A greater encouragement of housing construction cooperatives and convoluted process of exchanging apartments were major features of the Brezhnev housing programme. One of the major types of apartment exchange was to replace a relatively large apartment for two small ones so that adult offspring could enjoy a private family life. The new byt involved an attempt to ensure that the privatisation of the family was combined with a sense of social responsibility. The increased privatisation of family life had some negative aspects.

This chapter places Zochrot within what is seen as the ongoing crisis of the Israeli resistance movement. It reports the performative nature of its postmemory work. It also discusses the role of the Palestinian witness-victim in the telling of this very Israeli-Jewish story, and suggests that a more fruitful line of inquiry would be to excavate the testimonies of Israeli perpetrators. It is proposed that the relationship between Palestinians and members of the Israeli resistance movement is at best problematic. Zochrot's performance is a performance of Nakba co-memory. Many Palestinian activists welcome Zochrot's co-memorative work, albeit critically and conditionally. Questions of appropriation and of using the ongoing occupation and oppression of the Palestinians as a tool for expressing Israeli dissent are beginning to be debated in a variety of media.

Despite three decades of groundbreaking feminist scholarship, the project of writing women's literary history is still, to an extent, overshadowed by the critical narratives about professionalism, gender and the literary that were being constructed and contested in these writers' own lifetimes, and which subsequent generations of scholars have resisted rethinking. This book sought to break down this resistance by exploring women writers' negotiation of a series of defining moments in literary history through their responses to the manual/intellectual labour axis around which this history unfolded, and to which that history is still – often prejudicially for women writers – subject. By making work visible in eighteenth-century writings by women, the intention has not been simply to uncover something that has always been there, but to offer some account for eighteenth-century studies' unwillingness fully to acknowledge labour's crucial, if vexed, presence in imaginative and nonimaginative prose of the period and, further, to suggest the costs of colluding with assumptions about gender, work and women's writing which would play such a vital part in the ‘Great Forgetting’ of female authors in the nineteenth century.

This chapter examines Charlotte Smith's treatment of labour, primarily in the fiction, in order to tease out its implications for the novels' arguments about gender, domesticity and authorship. It begins with an examination of Smith's figuring of manual, affective and intellectual labour in Marchmont (1796), arguably her fullest contribution to contemporary debates on woman's work, to reveal how the novel retriangulates its author's rhetoric about the relation between women's work, domesticity and abjection, thus paving the way for a reassessment of Smith's (Lockean) self-conceptualization of her authorial labour as a form of inalienable property. Smith's figuring of writing as work was not simply a strategy to gain her readers' sympathy; rather, it was an attempt to break down the barriers that prevented women writers from laying claim to the new models of literary professionalism which were being cemented in this period. Only when we, like Smith, grapple with the complex question that is women's work can we recuperate her distinctive and ambitious construction of professional authorship as an embodied activity which was simultaneously a labour of mind, body and heart – and, unequivocally, women's work.

Some studies have focused on refugee women's activism in refugee community associations. There has been less interest in refugee women's participation in other political or civil society organisations. This chapter highlights refugee women's agency, countering the perception that they are passive victims, and describes their individual motivation and resources, and their experiences of participation in non-governmental organisations (NGOs). It suggests that refugee women may find the route into mainstream politics barred to them, either as a result of citizenship and nationality laws or as a result of less explicit but equally obstructive barriers such as exclusion from the types of profession which constitute the pool of political office holders, or discrimination on the part of party selectors. This chapter discusses individual, organisational, and environmental (for example, racism, poverty, exclusion) opportunities for and obstacles to NGO participation. It focuses on NGOs which have been particularly active in the triple role of providing material support and advice to refugee and asylum seeking women; campaigning for their rights; and fostering empowerment, political participation, and capacity building.

This chapter analyses what a comparison of the labour migration policy in Spain and Great Britain tells us about the central question concerning the role of ideas and knowledge in policy change. The labour migration policies in both countries tended to be quite complex with ad-hoc, incremental changes made to schemes that had been built up to respond to specific, often episodic, needs and were then used for purposes other than those that they were designed for. The reframing of policy in Britain post-2000, and in Spain post-2004, was characterised by significant institutional and organisational reforms involving a redistribution of policy-making and implementing powers, chiefly between the interior, labour and education ministries, and also changes in terms of the hierarchy and location of decision making.

This book provides a detailed overview of the history, practice, causes and effects of the legal obligation to vote, as well as an analysis of the normative arguments surrounding it. Recent debates about the possibility of introducing mandatory voting in those states where going to the polls remains voluntary call for a detailed discussion of the normative advantages and disadvantages of this institution. This chapter specifies what exactly is meant by the term ‘compulsory voting’. It seeks to conceptualise and construct a typology of electoral obligation, before examining variations in the way the institution of compulsory voting has been implemented in different states.

This chapter highlights how the writing of in/security discloses several notions of peaces that are constituted and constitutive of political identities and imaginaries in the Colombian context. By recognising the danger of narco-terrorism as posing a vital threat to the Colombian state and its people, the state has been able to reshape its own subjectivity and those of ‘nationals’ and ‘others’. The idealised constructions of identity categories in the Democratic Security Policy (DSP) for state, nationals and others disclosed an understanding of peace, politics and freedoms as postponed. The discourse of the Province of Antioquia had severe limitations. The congruent peace proposed by this state office put forward the limits of qualified state nonviolence. The Paeces del Cauca reject enrolment in the ‘army of good people’, to be ruled according to the in/security concerns of the DSP. The politics of affinity is finally addressed.

International, European, and national policies and practices on refugee status determination and settlement/integration have changed over time in response to broader economic, political and social stimuli. Refugee and asylum policy is not simply a response to a recognised need on the part of those fleeing persecution; it is intricately connected to broader international politics, to domestic concerns with migration control, to local racism and xenophobia. The policy on asylums and refugees is currently high on the political agenda in France and Britain, as it is at the European Union level. This chapter sets out the international, European, and national framework for refugee status determination, reception, and settlement. It establishes one of the contexts in which the study of refugee women in Britain and France is situated. The chapter also discusses international law on refugees, gender and the international legal framework, the Hague Programme adopted by the European Council in November 2004, welfare and support for asylum seekers and refugees, detention of asylum seekers and migrants, and integration policy and practice in France and Britain.