This chapter argues that performance is crucial to understanding the political campaigns of the early Labour leaders in the late nineteenth century. Morris examines the performative language of politics, assessing the link between political rhetoric, performance and electoral campaigns. Through a case study of the two leading political actors of the emergent Socialist movement, H.M. Hyndman and Keir Hardie, and their particular political appeals the chapter analyses the non-verbal element of their campaigns and how they conceptualised themselves as performers. historians should consider more than just the words and messages that politicians were offering, they should also examine the methods and mediums by which those words were delivered and the way in which politicians used a theatrical frame to convince their constituents, with their particular performances becoming their political message.

This chapter presents an overview of the history of the Chinese Customs Service and its relationship to foreign and Chinese power. Drawing on existing literature on the Customs Service and on the history of expatriate communities, this chapter discusses the Customs’s role in the development of imperialism in China. In doing so it explores the murky distinction between ‘formal’ and ‘informal’ empire. In the course of this discussion it surveys the literature on imperial networks, colonial migration, the British world and globalisation. This chapter argues that historians should reposition China as an important node in the transnational webs of commerce, travel and communication that crisscrossed the empire world.

This chapter discusses Luce Irigaray's uneasy relationship with the psychoanalytic theory of Freud and Jacques Lacan, an uneasiness which mirrors her relationship with the trajectory of Western philosophy, which she both appropriates and tries to destabilize. In 'Female Sexuality', first published in 1931, Freud argues that boys and girls develop along the same lines until their third year. Irigaray criticizes Freud for making woman's reproductive capacity the most central aspect in his account of female sexuality. Like Freud, Lacan distinguishes various phases in the development of subjectivity. For Lacan woman's role is to enable man to experience oneness, self-recognition. The chapter presents Irigaray's critique of both Freud's and Lacan's interpretations of the Fort!Da! game and shows how she starts her development of a female language from their accounts.

The Introduction traces the history of the pastoral mode from Theocritus to the Renaissance, and its afterlife to the present day. It examines the social and political implications of pastoral, and its allusive application to many sectors of human experience. It relates this record of history and cultural politics to the wide range of literary forms incorporating the mode, as well as allied forms and genres, and related conventions like the Golden Age and the Earthly Paradise. Through this comprehensive discussion, it attempts an evaluation of the pastoral tradition as a whole, and separately of its major vehicles and exponents. In a separate section, it traces the means, routes and forms by which pastoral texts circulated in manuscript and print.

This chapter examines the emergence of the issue of caste-based discrimination as a violation of International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). It explains the role of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) in the conceptualisation of discrimination on grounds of caste as a form of descent-based racial discrimination under the ICERD. Hence, it is seen as a violation of international human rights treaty law. The chapter charts the evolution and adoption of General Recommendation 29. It also examines the meaning of caste and the nature of rights violations. The chapter engages with State opposition to CERD's interpretation, in particular from India, which rejects the categorisation of caste as a form of descent-based discrimination and therefore a form of racial discrimination. The issue of caste challenges the interpretive approach to the treaty which CERD has adopted from the outset.

The networks channelling money, goods and services between families were hierarchical, but at the same time linked women from different echelons of society to each other, making them collaborators. This chapter explores the ways, in which Lars Staf's and Brita Stina Berg's work linked them to the state and to other households. Wives who made numerous economic contributions to lower state servants' households, contributions that were probably unremarkable at the time, left few traces in the sources and are now easy to overlook. In a national survey conducted in 1748, Swedish customs officials' wives were reported to have income from making beer and liquor, baking, weaving, spinning, sewing, and midwifery. They also cultivated tobacco, ran public houses and rented out rooms. Some of them were involved in the credit market. There is some evidence that suggests a makeshift economy, in which many people relied on a precarious combination of incomes.

The ability of workers to influence parliamentary elections, of course, was limited by the nature of the political system. In both Australia and Britain the essential strength of the emergent Labour parties was rooted in the trade unions. Despite the often considerable setbacks of the depressed 1890s, both 'old' and 'new' unionism made considerable headway in Australia and Britain from the later nineteenth century to the immediate post-World War One years. Further evidence that Australia had overtaken Britain as the trade union capital of the world was provided in 1919, when Australia's union density stood at 50 per cent, in contrast to Britain's 43 per cent. Two important differences should be highlighted in terms of the union-party connection in Australia and Britain. First, the system of political parties was far more established in Britain than in Australia. Second, not withstanding the continuing strength of Lib-Labism in Victoria.

The year 1928, where this chapter starts, would stand out in any sports medicine chronology. The first sports medicine books were in fact sports injury books; most made the point that sports injuries were not medical events unique to sports. Several organisational factors made research problematic in 1948, but in 1928, 1936 and 1952 physiological or epidemiological research on athletes was a prominent part of the Olympic medical programme. A great deal of British sports medicine practice, particularly in the very late 1920s and 1930s, was influenced by international developments. The greatly improved performance at the international level in virtually all sports placed demands on the sports medicine professional, and the athletic body. The chapter ends in 1952, with the formation of Britain's first sports medicine organization, the British Association of Sport and Exercise Medicine (BASEM), founded by, among others, Adolphe Abrahams and Sir Arthur Porritt.

This chapter argues that collection acquisition contributed to the curatorial decisions that shaped the National Museum of Victoria as a museum for display and education rather than research. It examines the genesis of the museum in Melbourne and debates over its purpose. The chapter looks at why Frederick McCoy failed to develop a comprehensive domestic collecting mechanism within Australia. It explores McCoy's connections with, and reliance on, British natural history dealers. The chapter also looks at the role of scientific exchanges and McCoy's attitude to these within scientific networks. This demonstrates that McCoy's museum was a product of his procurement networks, which provided specimens for popular consumption and education rather than research. The importance of British natural history dealers to McCoy, and the centre-periphery and class relations that emerged in the interactions, are demonstrated by the story of Lovell Reeve.

This chapter deals with elections and the performances of the Australian Labour Party (ALP) and the British Labour Party (BLP) in the elections. It compares and contrasts continuities, changes, similarities and differences in Labour and anti-Labour attitudes and policies towards the factors of empire, nation, race and class at particular electoral points in time over the past century. Labour's record of electoral performance between 1900 and the present day may usefully be broken down into four chronological periods. From 1900 to the time of World War One; from 1917 in Australia and 1918 in Britain to 1939; from the era of World War Two to the late 1970s; and from the latter to the present. In Britain the Labour Party's electoral record was far less impressive. The chapter presents three core arguments concerning the influences of nation, empire, race and class upon Labour's electoral performance.

This chapter argues that there is a potential link between racial discrimination and some contemporary forms of conflicts. It suggests that the International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) has the potential in averting future conflicts. While the role of the Convention in conflict prevention is growing through the more systematic use of the early warning/urgent action procedures by the Committee, its relevance in post-conflict mechanisms needs greater analysis. The chapter seeks to identify and establish violations based on breaches of ICERD during armed conflict which transitional justice measures and processes should address and remedy. It shows how ICERD could serve as a tool in laying the foundation for the rule of law in a new transitional order. The chapter suggests the role that Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) could play in that regard.

This chapter explains imperialism between the wars as forming part of the dominant ideology of the day. To begin with, the Empire Marketing Board's (EMB) establishment in 1926 does suggest that imperialism was in the 1920s a central preoccupation of major sections of the dominant class. From its inception in 1926 to its closure in 1933, the EMB was rapidly and rightly identified in public and political eyes as a propaganda organisation. The EMB's expectation that propaganda might have a sufficiently powerful impact reflects the remarkable development and extension of the range of media available for communications and persuasion since the end of the previous century. Even the well-established techniques of paper-making and printing had experienced technical changes as to substantially cheapen the cost and ease the process of producing large runs of printed books, and other printed materials.