This chapter analyses in detail the nature of the imperialism to be found in the annual autumn melodrama and Christmas pantomime at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, during the regime of the impresario Sir Augustus Harris. Harris delighted in his Punch nickname of Augustus Druriolanus, a name implying empire. Richards establishes the nature of the Drury Lane audience, arguing for a substantial working-class component, and analyses the content and attitude of melodramas and pantomimes. He also explains how Harris in providing imperially-themed entertainment was following his often expressed philosophy, ‘that my guiding-star must be This chapter analyses in detail the nature of the imperialism to be found in the annual autumn melodrama and Christmas pantomime at the Theatre Royal, Drury Lane, during the regime of the impresario Sir Augustus Harris. Harris delighted in his Punch nickname of Augustus Druriolanus, a name implying empire. Richards establishes the nature of the Drury Lane audience, arguing for a substantial working-class component, and analyses the content and attitude of melodramas and pantomimes. He also explains how Harris in providing imperially-themed entertainment was following his often expressed philosophy, ‘that my guiding-star must be wholly and solely the taste of those I endeavour to please.’

The chronology of British changing attitudes towards sex fits this general pattern closely. While race relations in general were relatively relaxed, sex across the colour-line persisted, but as racial attitudes became more tense and problematic, so these sexual relationships were more and more frowned upon. The missionary invasion of indigenous sexual practices was forced into a less aggressive gradualism. Fortunately, the significance of sexual factors in running the empire, viewed as a general system, is less problematic than in tracing their influence upon individual cases. The thoughts of soldiers and sailors regularly turned to sex as a result in part of the assumption of service authorities that they would inevitably seek out prostitutes. In their empire, the French rejected the British assumption that an end to interracial sex was desirable anyway. They continued to encourage concubinage for their administrators.

This chapter presents two short surveys of later periods: the years after 1938, one year after the onset of the Sino-Japanese War and after 1948, one year before the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC). Sino-British relations before the 1930s were hamstrung by a semi-autonomous colonialism which the British state tolerated, but which it was to find reasserting control over somewhat awkward. Modern Britons lived in an empire world, in a world opened up through empire to temporary or permanent migration. British trade with the empire greatly increased in importance at the expense of the areas of informal influence such as Latin America and China. Settlers were often driven by their local interests and loyalties to oppose British China policy, but they had to balance antagonism with a need to demonstrate loyalty and utility to the British empire.

Systems' rationality is an example of epistemology in Niklas Luhmann's work, for it produces a theoretical development that is critical of Jurgen Habermas' corresponding notion, prominent in its manifestation and promising in its proliferation. Luhmann owes much inspiration for his systems theory to the structural understanding of society and science. Thus, he attempts a deconstruction of the modern. In his understanding, since the Enlightenment, the modern presupposes but also produces reason, dialectics and the rationality of the sciences. The main argument of this chapter holds that instead of the formalism of systems theory, social enlightenment and political rationality are the outcomes of normative theory and rational praxis, which owe their validity and applicability to the formation of dialectical reason. Luhmann's reversal of critical theory into a traditional theory takes the form of a distortion of modernity in which systems theory is presented as the novel and innovative epistemology for modernity.

This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on the concepts discussed in this book. The book examines the formation of English national identities in relation to Islam during the late nineteenth century through the lens of four historical developments. The four historical developments includes British anti-slavery efforts in occupied Egypt; the activities of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) in regard to that campaign; gender conflicts and debates in English society; and the creation of a place for Islam in England. The book illuminates the process of cultural exchange within an imperial system characterised by increasingly aggressive British involvement in the Islamic world and more frequent and intimate contact between English people and Muslims. Muslims in England also were associated with the Empire. W. H. Quilliam likened Muslims to English abolitionists, and Sayyid Amir Ali maintained that true Islam condemns slavery.

This chapter assumes that the meaning of the term 'racial' in Article 2 of the Genocide Convention and Article 1(1) of International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) is very similar if not entirely identical. Although there is no reference to genocide in the ICERD, the Committee on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) has shown a special interest in the subject. Reporting to the Secretary General of the United Nations, CERD explained that in reviewing Rwanda's periodic report, it had taken note of the findings of a Commission composed of non-governmental organisations published in early 1993 that had warned of genocide. Following the Declaration on the Prevention of Genocide, CERD prepared a list of indicators relevant to the prevention of genocide although it entitled them 'indicators of patterns of systematic and massive racial discrimination'.

This chapter presents the World Trade Organization (WTO) Secretariat, its organisational characteristics and its functions and roles within the broader framework of the WTO. It explores the macro-level of the WTO Secretariat, that is, the core functions and roles of the international organisation it has been set up to support, the WTO, and the wider institutional environment within which the WTO and its Secretariat are embedded. The chapter introduces the meso-level, the formal organisation of the WTO Secretariat as well as its function within the WTO system. It focuses on the micro-level, that is, the composition of the staff, recruitment procedures, years of tenure, nationality and other demographic factors. The WTO Secretariat appears in many ways as a traditional bureaucratic organisation based on neutrality, the rule of law, a hierarchic organisation and a vertical specialisation and with a merit-based recruitment system.

Joseph Herman Hertz put his theology into practice in his communal religious policy, which was mostly concerned with halakhah and its implementation. Hertz's commitment to the world outside the Jewish community is evident from his appointment as professor of philosophy at the University of the Transvaal, and his anti-Boer political activity, which led briefly to his expulsion from the country. If Jews were seen to be enjoying the rights of citizenship without fulfilling their responsibilities to the state, the general population would come to resent them. The Chief Rabbis saw it as part of their responsibility to exhort their co-religionists to work for the benefit of wider society, and show the non-Jewish community that Jews were making a valuable contribution, and Hertz fulfilled this function. Hertz's powers came not only from the United Synagogue but also from the Board of Deputies of British Jews.

This chapter presents an essay written by Georg Luká as an introduction for Guido Aristarco's book where he discussed problems related to the aesthetics of the cinema. It also highlights Lukács' standpoint on the issue of ideological manipulation in which he conceives the social and political environment as dominated by an ‘overwhelming reality of manipulation’.