Chapter 1 focuses on publications by several well-known youth workers who were also ex-combatants, to suggest the complex commemorative dimension to their work in boys' clubs, where ideas of citizenship, manhood and the rational use of leisure were distinctively fashioned not only by warmemories and experiences but also by heightened post-war awareness of female ‘otherness’ as young women's social and economic visibility increased. The motivations of such writers offer an implicit commentary on older masculinities in the sense that their involvement with these boys suggests the deep emotional legacies of their war experiences andhow these were ‘contained’ not only in writing but in social action.

In late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century England, politics was often conceived in theatrical terms. This chapter surveys the landscape of political melodrama in England during the age of revolution. It uses the reports of spies and informers in the Home Office papers to demonstrate that in popular radical circles the act of rebellion itself was expected to work as a kind of melodrama, simultaneously exposing the corruption and artifice of government and rousing the masses to climactic confrontation with the dark powers of the state. Melodramatic language used by radical speakers to rally crowds corresponded to strategies of petition, remonstrance and ulterior measures radicals developed in the winter of 1816-17 and enacted in the Spa Fields meetings, the Manchester rising and the Pentridge rebellion. At a crucial point, the radical Black Dwarf reprinted Southey’s suppressed play Wat Tyler to provide a model for dramatic political action. This chapter argues for a direct relationship between this political moment and the influence of the popular theatre, particularly melodrama.

This chapter talks about Tomairangi Kameta, who is a very recent ancestor of Ngati Whakaue, Te Arawa. In 1990 he and other elders assisted the author in gaining the position of curator at the local government-run Rotorua Museum, a museum rich in Te Arawa taonga. Taonga also assist elders in guiding the recently departed back to Maori spiritual homeland while, at the same time, reminding the living of the kin group connections with each other and with their surrounding ancestral landscape. The taonga on display in the Rotorua Museum are no different from the taonga that find on marae, in elders' homes or exhibited in the many museums around the world, including Te Papa, the Museum of New Zealand. The alchemy of the taonga is still accessible if and when they are performed on marae under the ancestral authority of the people who belong to the land: the tangata whenua.

This chapter reconstructs the working environments of staff in the various branches of the Service, demonstrating how employees of imperial institutions were required to steer creatively through turbulent political currents in their professional lives. Particular attention is paid to the dramatic changes wrought upon working life in the Customs by the growth of popular nationalism in the 1920s, the rise to power of Chiang Kai-shek’s Guomindang (Nationalist Party) in 1927, and the War of Resistance (1937–45). Although the Inspectorate insisted that it was a politically neutral institution, in reality its contentious position at a crossroads between the Chinese and foreign worlds placed it at the centre of political storms. Negotiating delicate relationships with other powerbrokers, such as local Chinese officials and foreign consuls, was essential to performing Customs work. Overall this chapter shows that colonial administrative services were not impregnable bastions of imperial power; instead versatility and compromise were vital to their day-to-day running.

The Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) began serious engagement with States on issues related to discrimination against Roma. The work of CERD has been very important in moving forward the understanding that anti-Romani sentiment is racism and anti-Romani action is racial discrimination in the sense of International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). General Recommendation (GR) 27 provides a comprehensive overview of CERD's approaches to Roma. The section of GR 27 on protection against 'racial violence' covers important ground by highlighting the need for protection against both acts by racist vigilantes such as skinheads and against such acts by police. CERD in this sense was ahead of the European Court of Human Rights, which first found any State in violation of the European Convention's discrimination provisions in a case concerning Roma only in 2004.

This conclusion presents some closing thoughts on concepts discussed in the preceding chapters of this book. The book suggests the parallels between the emphasis on evolutionary zoology in the Manchester Museum and the development of neo-Darwinism in biology. Throughout their 'lives', museum objects were attributed varied meanings and values as collectors, curators and audiences encountered them in very different ways. Objects did not act in their own right, but rather material culture was acted upon and was a conduit for human intention. In tracing the meanings and processes the principal intention of the book is to understand the construction and development of disciplines and the boundaries between them. The political history of UK museums in the twentieth century promises to be fascinating. A twentieth-century history would provide a sorely-needed historical context for the post-colonial turn in museology, filling the gap between imperial sources and contemporary approaches.

Luce Irigaray's project is to make the case for sexually different subjects in philosophy, in psychoanalytic theory, and in Western culture generally. The logic of fluidity is indispensable to Irigaray's project as a whole, and nowhere more so than in Elemental Passions. Irigaray's use of the Greeks as reference points must be taken seriously, even though she prefers allusions and associations of ideas rather than direct reference or quotation. Even if logical systems have often been used as technologies of control, it remains the case that most people do want to think clearly and do not want to be deceived. In particular, it would be perverse to draw the conclusion that logic is of no interest to feminists, and even more perverse to fall into the patriarchal trap of ascribing unemotional rationality to man and irrational emotions to women.

This introduction presents an overview of the key concepts discussed in the subsequent chapters of this book. The book illuminates the fact that the mix of behavioural dynamics within international bureaucracies is organisationally contingent and more complex than assumed by the theoretical orthodoxy of the study of international relations (IR). It argues that one of the defining features of international bureaucracies is their compound nature consisting of multiple behavioural dynamics, role definitions and identities among the incumbents. The book presents the three international bureaucracies at the three levels of analysis: the macro-level, the meso-level and the micro-level. It provides supplementary descriptive information on international bureaucracies with respect to organisational size, administrative resources, recent reforms and administrative transformations, strategies and administrative policies. The book draws implications from the observations with respect to questions on the autonomy, accountability and efficiency of international bureaucracies.

This chapter discusses the political commentaries of Georg Lukács on the subject of socialist renewal. Lukács argued for the establishment of a humanist-socialist society within the existing communist system in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. His work, Toward the Ontology of Social Being (1971–73) marks his revisionist philosophical attempt to return to the classical roots of Marxism.

This chapter discusses Lukács' position on modernism and realism. During the 1950s, Lukács was a leading figure in the Leninist opposition to Stalin. He consistently opposed Stalinism and campaigned for the democratisation of existing communism. The chapter also discusses the reconstructed model of Lukácsian cinematic realism.

The process of state formation has been described both as a form of bargaining between states and subjects and as an open-ended and dynamic process of trial and error. The regional state administration and the customs administration were the parts of the state network with the lowest proportions of noblemen. Between 1650 and 1780, the Swedish state administration did undergo change, but the continuities were stronger. In 1648, the Thirty Years War had come to an end, and not long after the peace the Swedish customs administration was expanded and reorganised. The case study of Örebro is only one of the legs on which the investigation stands. The other two being data from other Scandinavian small towns and information found in the Gender and Work (GaW) database. This database offers the possibility of finding evidence on lower state servants, and on married women in urban contexts, in Sweden.