This chapter focuses on surviving manuscript addresses. Exploring one address in detail, the address from Leicestershire to Richard Cromwell, created in 1658, it engages in a detailed exploration of the geography of subscription and the social, political and religious background of subscribers. This analysis reveals that the subscribers were far more varied than the language of the ‘well-affected’ suggested. This in turn suggests that value of addresses as devices for building political coalitions.

Inspired by other studies that analyse the politics of Enoch Powell in light of the legacy of the British Empire, this chapter examines the British radical right’s response to Commonwealth immigration and decolonisation. In both challenging and building on these studies, this chapter argues that the British radical right drew deeply on the vast ideological and experiential reservoir of British imperialism in formulating and articulating their political vision. Drawing mostly on the published output of several of the groups that merged together to become the National Front in 1967, the chapter demonstrates that the activists within these groups experienced decolonisation and Commonwealth immigration as interlinked civilisational crises. In doing so, it considers their presence and activism around the Notting Hill racist riots in 1958 and at their response to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965. Against what they termed the ‘coloured invasion’ in Britain and the perceived surrender of ‘white rule’ abroad, they looked longingly at the renegade settler states of South Africa and Rhodesia, eventually reimagining Britain as the metropolitan equivalent of a besieged white-settler colony and white Britons as a variety of endangered white settler. This saw them reject the imperial remnants of the Commonwealth and advocate an imperial solution of a different order: a white alliance of Britain, its Dominions, South Africa and Rhodesia.

The introduction identifies the significance of the political leadership of David Cameron to our understanding of contemporary British politics. It will argue that the politics of Cameronism can be seen through the dual lens of political modernisation and manipulation. In terms of political modernisation, the introduction will identify the importance of the following: first, how Cameron sought to detoxify the negative image of the Conservative Party and promote a more socially liberal brand of modern Conservatism; second, how Cameron sought to apportion blame for the economic crash on the Labour Party to delegitimise them; and third, how Cameron sought to utilise perceptions of economic and social decline to make the case for a shift from Big Government and towards a new narrative of the Big Society – which amounted to a form of depoliticisation. In terms of political manipulation the introduction will identify how understanding Cameronism requires an examination of the coalition relations in terms of policy, personnel and legislative behaviour. It will also identify the challenges facing Cameron caused by the rise of multi-party politics – i.e. the Liberal Democrats and electoral reform, the Scottish National Party and Scottish independence, and UKIP and continued membership of the European Union.

Chapter 5 asks whether social change in gender attitudes and the introduction of a link between the gender of candidates and party funding in 2016 affected Irish election coverage. In earlier periods, women candidates were likely to be covered more positively, but less politically, than their male competitors. However, by the new millennium, little difference remained. Surprisingly, the media appears to have had problems adjusting to the surge in female candidates in 2016, and the authors can establish a general and substantial under-reporting of women candidates in that election.

This chapter considers social history in a postcolonialcontest. It specifically examines how the history ofthe majority culture in a post-settler society hasbeen and might be curated. Using Aotearoa NewZealand as its case study, it considers the figureof the Pākehā (non-indigenous) curator in relationto, and also in contrast with, Indigenouscollections and displays. What does a historycurator look like in a post-settler society? Doesthe history curator continue the mutual asymmetrythat has characterised relations and curatorialendeavours? Or is there a way to recognisecross-cultural material histories? In consideringthe development of history, and specifically socialhistory, it suggests that a more useful concept ismaterial history, rather than historical materialcultures studies. The rest of the chapter rangesacross a broad range of material history, includingfashion and clothing, and design, to consider howcontemporary museums deal with everyday life and itsmaterial aspects in museums, which are still to alarge extent focused on discrete objects and formsof material culture, and which carry the burden ofthe historical development of their collections intoa post-settler world.

This chapter summarises the book’s main findings. Based on a completely updated examination of jurisdictions worldwide, we have developed a more accurate portrayal of what constitutes low, medium and high robustness regulation and which political systems belong in each category. We underline how we have addressed criticisms made against the CPI method of analysis, comparing it with three other indices that measure the robustness of laws in terms of the accountability and the transparency they guarantee. Given the significance of this key transparency policy for democracies worldwide, we close by highlighting the significance of either developing, or amending, lobbying rules using our fivefold typology of conceptualising the bill, drafting it, finalising it, passing it into law and ultimately implementing it.

This chapter, by Hugh Magennis, considers the theme of the interpretation and application of Christian knowledge as reflected in treatments of the apostles in vernacular writings in Anglo-Saxon England. The acta of the apostles originated in the East but were transmitted and reworked by western writers, not least in pre-Conquest England. Surveying depictions of the apostles in Old English, Magennis’s chapter emphasises the definitive place that the apostles occupy within Christian systems of knowledge and understanding but also examines how traditions of the apostles are appropriated and reconceived by Anglo-Saxon writers (including the poet of Andreas, whose reworking of his source is considered in greater detail in the chapter in this volume by Richard North).

It is hard to argue with Nietzsche: despite countless attempts at familiarising ourselves with revenge, we, 'people', are invariably baffled by it. Whether it is the subject of an analytic inquiry, debate or artistic representation, and, particularly, if it is an act to be executed, suffered or investigated, revenge remains particularly unsettling. It is worth reminding ourselves again that we are only the audience and The Spanish Tragedy, as well as countless other revenge tragedies, is only a figment of human imagination. The value of Elizabethan revenge tragedy and Thomas Kyd's The Spanish Tragedy in particular is in their unique ability to expose universality assumed by law and civilisation at the break of modernity as completely illusory and, thus, as the true problem pertaining to the notion of justice. Revenge is a regrettable aberration caused either by a lack of civilisation or by a significant regression from it.

This chapter examines the actions of opponents to the Korean War, the consequences for the British state and how British people felt about such forthright critics of the war. This chapter first starts by analysing the heavily criticised Communist Party of Great Britain. It unpicks the central elements of Communist opposition to the war and the largely poor reception their campaign received. This chapter nevertheless highlights the cultural tenacity and appeal of one recurring component of British Communist opposition – anti-Americanism. This sentiment chimed with other strands of post-war British culture and set the tone for later protest movements and cultural responses to Americanisation in the second half of the twentieth century. This chapter also explores instances of frontline resistance from British servicemen, showing how servicemen and others in Korea - most notably war correspondents - were appalled by the level of violence directed at the civilian population. It examines allegations of biological or ‘germ’ warfare put forth by the ‘Red Dean of Canterbury’ Hewlett Johnson (1874-1966) and the scientist Joseph Needham (1900-95), before concluding with a detailed examination of the infamous town planner Monica Felton, who visited North Korea during the war.