The earliest specific international arrangement, at least indirectly, to restrict the spread of nuclear weapons is the Partial Test Ban Treaty of 1963. The negotiation of the treaty—originally designed to be a comprehensive ban on all nuclear testing—began essentially in 1955, when the Soviet Union unbundled such an agreement from a general and complete disarmament package, starting thereby an unpicking of the all-or-nothing position on nuclear arms control and disarmament they had taken over the Baruch Plan, vestiges of which remain in the wording of Article 6 of the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty. Bargaining theory has something to add to the understanding of arms control. To take the bargain between the superpowers first, the surplus to be created was a slowing down of the arms race between them. This chapter explores bargaining for test ban treaties and discusses the Threshold Test Ban Treaty signed by the United States and USSR. It also looks at the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty.

This chapter explores how the country adjusted to not only a failed uprising, but the loss of almost two million people as a result of mortality and emigration. Although it concerned the government, the flurry of revolutionary activities after July 1848 was for the most part isolated and unnoticed by the majority of Irish people. The activities of Lalor, Brenan and others took place against the backdrop of hunger and social dislocation caused by the reappearance of potato blight in the previous year. It meant that, yet again, there was extensive starvation and homelessness in the country, with one million people depending on the draconian Poor Law for survival. The political agitators who escaped to America travelled on the same ships that carried hundreds of thousands of famine-worn Irish out of Ireland. For those who remained in the country, years of political agitation had ended in failure, in 1843 as well as in 1848. The decade which had commenced with the formation of the Repeal Association had ended with both constitutional and physical force nationalism in tatters.

This chapter examines citizenship engagement, looking at a case study of the 2005 referendums on the European Constitution in Spain, France, the Netherlands and Luxembourg. It presents an analysis of the referendums in the light of international research and seeks to determine if the referendums formed a general pattern. It concludes that the referendum results were shaped broadly by two factors: disquiet among the socialist voters and opposition to the EU from unskilled and low-waged employees.

This chapter discusses the intense visual imagery that has become characteristic of Sinclair's poetry. It considers the visual apparatus of Sinclair's major works, including Slow Chocolate Autopsy. It also studies the importance of the cinematic and visual, the diagrammatic mapping of fictional texts, Sinclair's geometric conception of urban space, and the visual components of Sinclair's texts. This chapter also identifies the strategies Sinclair uses to improve the effects of the ‘semantic drag’, which is a retardation of the narrative and syntactic flow caused by the intensity of the individual sentence.

This chapter considers the uses of music in everyday situations. Some recent ethnographic studies have examined the ways in which people use music as part of their everyday lives, and suggested how it is effective for them irrespective of its style or quality as judged by others. This chapter argues that Alfred Schütz's ideas concerning mutual ‘tuning-in’ and the synchronization of individuals' experience offer a strong theoretical foundation for further studies of how music ‘works’ for people. It is also clear, however, that such sociological investigations move a long way from the discipline of musicology and its established concerns.

This chapter investigates the European Union (EU) aid assistance programmes which meant to drive forward the modernisation of the country so that it could compete effectively with existing members upon joining the Union. The Commission and the Delegation both found it difficult to keep track of Phare projects. The largest Phare project was the Enterprise Restructuring and Professional Conversion Programme (RICOP) scheme. The RICOP project appeared not to be part of a wider development strategy and seemed concerned with overcoming specific short-term problems that threatened to delay progress with meeting the accession terms. The EU often struggled to obtain reliable information on the implementation and impact of its programmes. Romania had a limited capacity to manage EU funds, which would not increase significantly as the years rolled on, and risked losing much of the pre-accession funding allocated to it due to its inability to devise feasible projects.

This chapter examines the abortion policy of the administration of George W. Bush. Though Roe v. Wade remained intact during the Bush years, Planned Parenthood continued to be taxpayer funded and pro-life campaigners made significant progress. Legislative bills that were or would have been vetoed in the previous administration were passed into effect, including the ban on partial-birth abortion and the Unborn Victims of Violence Act. The chapter argues that abortion battles and the process of polarisation between pro-lifers and the pro-choice movement can, in part, be attributed to the character of the moral beliefs which surround the issue.

Labour was greatly facilitated in its bid to direct public attention away from the border issue by Nationalist indifference towards the IRA's campaign. The Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) was recognised as Her Majesty's Official Opposition. The conduct of the Unionist government administration in its fight against the IRA caused a major headache for British political parties. Northern Ireland's poor socio-economic prospects suffocated the unique qualities of homegrown talent. Terence O'Neill's liberalism sought to steer a middle course between the right of his party and the left of the NILP. The NILP's failure to secure any parliamentary representation at the 1964 Westminster Election only sapped at Tom Boyd's political energy. The full extent of Labour's disastrous performance was not appreciated until six months later when Sam Napier submitted his audit to the Executive Committee (EC). It then became clear that the Protestant working class was undergoing fluctuations of a sectarian nature.

This introductory chapter discusses the theme of this volume, which is about developments in warfare in Greece from the Late Bronze Age to the end of the classical period. It explains that it was usually the citizens who both assembled to take the decision to march out and armed themselves for the undertaking when city-state like Athens and Sparta went to war. This volume considers the role of religion, the nature of the economy and the relationship between the individual and his or her community, before, during and after wars.

Paul Henri Thierry, baron d'Holbach personified the philosophers aimed at ‘the utter extirpation of religion’. Not only was he the host of one of the most notorious salons of the period, but he was also the author of some of the earliest explicitly atheistic works ever to have been published. D'Holbach was indeed an opponent of the ancient republican tradition but he was far more sympathetic to the more moderate republicanism of the commonwealthmen. Indeed, d'Holbach not only made use of their religious arguments, but also shared some of their moral and political ideas.

In 1906, the Liberals won a landslide General Election victory. Once again they found themselves in a position to make their mark on the future direction of the drink question. This time, there was no ambivalence from the leadership about the importance which they attached to new drink legislation, and two years after coming to power they introduced a radical new Licensing Bill. Conscious perhaps that it would play well with the public, but also acting in defence of their own previous legislation, the Tory-dominated Upper House refused to accept the licensing legislation. It was another blow for temperance-minded Liberals and one which confirmed the deep distrust felt by the Liberal Party towards the Lords as a whole. In England, the flagging fortunes of political temperance were revived by war. This chapter examines the nationalisation of the entire drinks industry in Britain during World War I, along with socialism and the drink question, the creation of a Central Control Board to oversee the liquor trade, and the promotion of sobriety through improvement of pubs.

This chapter situates better regulation policy in the context of the debate on the regulatory state and regulatory governance and presents the key arguments. It charts the development of regulatory reform and regulatory governance in Europe and limits the analysis to better regulation. It then deals with the issue of how to measure the performance of better regulation policy. Having established that better regulation is a public policy, it can be appraised with the same conceptual and methodological tools used for other public policies. Indicators are a component of policy appraisal. The chapter argues that the crucial step is to link measures to conceptual analysis and policy processes.

One of the key motifs in Jean Baudrillard's Simulacra and Simulation is the figure of the double. In Simulacra and Simulation the double, particularly the mirror image, operates as a privileged metaphor of binary opposition and spatial differentiation, both of which are eliminated within the hyperreal. Baudrillard's brief comment on the ending focuses on the mirror, suggesting that it acts as the means of both doubling and death: 'the image broken by the mirror brings with it the immediate death of the hero'. Within the hyperreal, mirrors cease to act as dividing lines, becoming screens or Mobius strips that obliterate distinctions between the real and the fictional, interiority and exteriority, thus ensuring that there is no space beyond the universe of simulation. The mirror in Alice Through the Looking Glass provides access to a differential space, which Baudrillard constructs as a form of transcendence.

This chapter focuses on the field of feminist theology, which is as diverse and plural as Feminism in general. There is a general recognition that the institutionalisation of Western religions has inscribed sexual difference in ways which have profoundly limited women's participation at the level of practice. There is a shared concern with the ways in which the theological enterprise has long promulgated a rhetoric of dehumanisation when it comes to women. In reviewing the late twentieth-century feminist theological literature regarding love, what stands out is the relative silence concerning agape, even though it is generally acknowledged that the role of agape in Christian ethics has been a major concern for twentieth century ethicists. In reviewing the work of a number of feminist theologians, who have engaged in the notion of other-regarding love through the lens of sexual difference, an attempt to draw out some of the central themes as well as the strengths and weaknesses of their respective projects, in the context of their implications for subjectivity, has been made. In reviewing the divine in the work of Irigaray, Kristeva and Cixous, the text has attempted to sketch a broad context in which to place the following discussion of divinity and love, specifically in Hélène Cixous's writing.