The site of Incoronata offers a crucial model for understanding the collective sharing of techniques, objects, rituals, images and ideology between an indigenous Iron Age community and Aegean immigrants on the Ionian coast of South Italy in the eighth century BCE. The dialectic between locality and connectivity is explored through an archaeological investigation of themes such as the leading role of the indigenous communities and the contribution of crafts; the creation of a common ‘middle ground’ for ritual actions; and the shared memories of both communities in the construction of elite identities and hegemony.

The concluding chapter offers a blueprint for rethinking capitalism. It argues that development is not merely about increasing GDP but about designing institutions that embed fairness, accountability, and resilience into the economic system. Drawing lessons from successful and failed models, it emphasizes the need for democratic governance, adaptive policy, and civic engagement. Rather than rely on utopian theories or technocratic fixes, it calls for context-sensitive strategies rooted in historical experience and moral clarity. The future of development depends on the values embedded in its institutions.

To gain insight into the political meaning of the Romantic Self, it is essential to consider the relationship between subjectivity and nature on the one hand and the subject and the norms established within a community on the other. These two lines of inquiry converge in the examination of gender, specifically in the question of whether our sexual-biological identity, which constitutes our most nature-bound aspect, affects our subjectivity – that is to say, whether our mode of thinking, feeling, and relating to others is determined by our sexual identity. A consideration of Romantic reflections on gender will complete our investigation about the extent to which Romanticism regards the self as determined by nature or as independent from it. The first part of the chapter explains the meaning of the word Geschlecht (‘gender’ or ‘sex’) in the German philosophical debate at the end of the eighteenth century. The second part of the chapter is devoted to the role played by women within the Romantic ‘symphilosophy’. It closes with a focus on some Romantic women philosophers and their own idea on the role women should play in the cultural and philosophical debate.

This introduction presents a historical and conceptual overview of the monograph, particularly the longer history of discourses connecting Italian opera, Italy and italianità, and ideas surrounding the Old World and the New World. Milan and Liberal Italy (1861/70–1922) are introduced first in the context of Italy’s unification and the wider social and technological transformations that defined the Second Industrial Revolution. New York and Buenos Aires are then considered together, exploring their changing position in the global operatic circuit from the 1870s onwards and the theatrical infrastructure in both cities, before the methodological approach of the monograph and an overview of the individual chapters are outlined.

The Peruvian political system has entered a cycle of profound crisis. High levels of instability have added to the endemic incapacity to forge an institutionalized party system. In recent years, party fragmentation has increased, and ideological polarization has reached unprecedented levels of radicalization. As Sartori’s theory predicts, this constitutes the breeding ground for the emergence of radical political projects at the extremes of the ideological spectrum. Chapter 6 focuses on the emergence of an autonomous far-right project in Peru under the leadership of Opus Dei businessman Rafael López Aliaga. Through the appropriation of a former personal party, Renovación Popular has developed into an incipient personalistic party, articulating a socially conservative agenda and populist rhetoric that differentiates it from other right-wing parties like Fujimorismo. Its relatively successful trajectory – third place in the 2021 presidential elections, a national legislative group, and access to the Metropolitan mayorship of Lima along with twelve municipal districts – provides relevant information regarding the characteristics of far-right projects ruling local governments and their consequences for democracy. The chapter conceives the far right’s emergence in Peru as an expected consequence of its political crisis, and argues that its strength should not be considered a surprise.

There is a dichotomy, in economic analysis, between production-oriented theories and exchange-oriented theories, as is portrayed and investigated from many different angles in the present book. The Author argues that the source of this dichotomy can be traced back to a deeper dichotomy, which can be found in the theory of value. This is the problem that is investigated in detail in the present contribution.

This chapter provides an empirical test of the psychological theory presented in Chapter 4 of Persistent Citizens. The authors use original survey data from Brazil and Argentina to analyze respondents’ willingness to persist in seeking public health care and early childhood education services. The results of the quantitative analysis demonstrate a statistically significant positive relationship between the three "2ei" attitudes – entitlement, indignation, and self-efficacy – and the likelihood of engaging in state-centric persistence. The chapter provides robust evidence supporting the book’s core theoretical claim that an individual’s attitudes are a crucial determinant of their actions toward the state. It explores and finds limited evidence for alternative explanations for persistence, such as socioeconomic factors. The chapter also shows that 2ei uniquely predicts state-centric persistence versus other types of behavior.

This chapter discusses the first wave of systemic contestation of the liberal imagery of ‘free flow of information’ and the early dual-sided framework. One major front of contestation was Third World countries, which put forward a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) to de-monopolize, democratize, and decolonize the existing structure of international communication and develop their national information capacities as part of postcolonial nation-building. Another major front of contestation was within Western liberal countries struggling with domestic socio-economic crisis and resisting the US economic and technological supremacy. This chapter first revisits the NWICO movement and then discusses contestation of the liberal idea of ‘free flow of information’ from both the Global South and the Global North regarding regulation of the new information technologies of direct satellite broadcasting, satellite remote sensing, and informatics. It shows the complicated political, economic, cultural, ideological, and security dimensions of information, which fundamentally concern the organization of capitalist social relations.