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In recent years historians have begun to put flesh on the bones of the modern British middle class. This chapter deals with the issues of social structure, roles played by middle-class individuals and groups in the broader economic, social and political life of urban Britain. It examines the relative size, the occupational structure and the internal stratification of the urban middle class, paying particular attention to variations between the urban provinces and the urban South- East. Public involvements by the urban middle class had significant consequences both for the middle class itself and for urban society more generally. Middle-class interventions in public affairs varied not only over time but also among different types of urban settlement. In the economic sphere, while the rising numbers of middle-class rentiers were detached, top industrialists and merchants were especially influential in bodies such as Chambers of Commerce and employers organisations.
Towns are often presented as market centres, but mainly as places for the buying and selling of goods, or for financial transactions. This chapter examines several of the most important sectors of the labour market, following the paths taken by individuals over their lives. It then explores the development of each of these sectors, developing an account of the changing nature of life-paths and career structures, and their implications for the developing urban system. The chapter discusses casual trades, skilled artisans, factory workers, miners, domestic service and white-collar work. Finally, it scrutinizes the interactions between the labour market processes and the form of the urban system, concentrating on spatial divisions of labour and the ways in which economic fluctuations altered the relationships between different sectors of the labour market and transformed the geography of towns and cities.
In 1870 the official returns identify 110 foreign trade ports in the UK. A hundred years later the oil terminals of Milford Haven, Sullom Vo and Orkney ranked high among British ports; reminders that the nature of trade and the state of cargo-handling technology are factors linking, or separating, transhipment needs and populations. The geographer James Bird, to whom anyone concerned with port history owes an enormous debt, in a detailed investigation of the history of all major British seaports, categorised his subjects under various headings. A variety of forms of port authority developed, all regulated by act of parliament, most of which were some type of public trust, with varying degrees of connection with municipal government, but a number were privately owned, principally by railway companies. Containerisation and new modes of discharging high volume bulk cargoes would rapidly render much of existing port provision, together with its associated workforce, redundant.
This chapter examines the ways in which people made urban spaces and, in turn, were influenced by the spaces in which they lived and worked. It outlines national trends from the 1840s to the 1950s before illustrating these themes through specific case studies. The built form of urban areas, especially housing, is related to the social construction and meanings ascribed to spaces inhabited by urban populations. The chapter then explores some of the more influential approaches to the study of urban spatial structure, and highlights some issues of particular relevance to the study of British cities from the mid-nineteenth century. It explains some of the principal changes in urban form from the 1840s to the 1950s, focusing on the implications of these shifts for the lives of urban residents. Finally, the chapter focuses on housing market changes since the 1840s, and examines the relationship between the provision of housing, access to housing and the use made of residential space.
Thomas Chalmers was a Scottish minister of religion. He spent much energy trying to reconcile political economy and evangelical religion. For Chalmers, towns with different economic and social structures produced very different sorts of social relationships. The interest in the relationship between urban culture and the economic and social structure of British towns was and is part of a wider inquiry into the nature of the British response to industrial change. The urban place in Britain was the site for the creation, extension and consolidation of a civil society. Civil society involved the increasing range of social activity which was free of the prescriptive relationships of family or of the state, free of the tyranny of cousins and the tyranny of the state. The general strike or the National Health Service ignored and overlay the specific nature of the urban. By the 1960s the urban places of Britain had become an urban society.
The circulation of resources for welfare is a central theme in the urban history of Britain, and the terms on which welfare was provided had an immediate effect on another process of circulation: migration within the urban network, as discussed by David Feldman. Regional urban networks revolved around a major city, which coordinated the activities of towns within a specialised economy. One of the major concerns of economists and political scientists is to understand the circumstances in which individual rationality gives way to collective action. The scale of investment in the infrastructure of urban services, such as roads, railways, sewers, water, gas, electricity, was huge, and created major problems both of collective action and of regulation of private enterprise. A common view of British history in the nineteenth century assumes a division between industrial capitalism in the North, and a commercial and service economy in the South.
During the decades of the 1870s and 1880s, urban mortality, fertility and nuptiality patterns all appear to have almost simultaneously begun to enter a new era. The demographic history of urban Britain during the period 1840-1950 is particularly dominated by the dramatic changes in mortality and fertility occurring during the central decades of that period. However, attempts to verify empirically a direct relationship between mortality and fertility change in this period in Britain including careful efforts to distinguish infant from child and other forms of mortality, have only resulted in negative or contradictory statistical findings. This chapter offers separate treatments of the history of changing urban mortality and fertility, reflecting the two distinct bodies of historiography. Two principal features dominate urban mortality patterns in the period 1840 to 1950, initially high death rates, and a gradual shift in the main causes of death from infectious to chronic and degenerative diseases.
This chapter concentrates on the provision of urban social services concerning poverty and health, especially critical life situations associated with unemployment, low wages, life-cycle stages, illness and death. Britain as voluntarism became municipal and increasingly mutually interdependent with the local state of local government and the poor law. In the mid-nineteenth century the reliance on families for the provision of social welfare may have been even greater in urban industrial towns than rural areas and small towns. The chapter then focuses on the continuities and changes in the provision of social services with regard to poverty and health. It explores alternative sources of assistance and their interrelationships in the mixed economy of welfare. Finally, the chapter examines to what extent these changed during the period and paying particular attention to whether there were distinctive urban aspects and to variations among urban areas.
This chapter looks at the interaction between changes in methods of transport and the growth of the urban environment. It takes essentially a functional approach, explaining in what ways developments in transport enabled towns and cities to grow in size, scale and function and hence the roles which transport systems played in these urban centres. In early Victorian Britain most towns and cities were small by subsequent standards, although to contemporaries they seemed gross and overblown. Transport developments played two different functional roles in facilitating the growth and maintenance of urban centres: the internal and external needs. Next, the chapter discusses transport as a network of which cities were the nodal points and where the lines were often symbolic as well as physical boundaries. Finally, it examines the growth of transport facilities as specific loci within the city.
In the current literature, it is often asserted that the town planning system which emerged in mid-twentieth-century Britain was remarkably and regrettably undemocratic. This chapter scrutinises some of the basic historical components of pervasive view, and shows that they are far too simplistic. Town planners in Britain had always meditated on the question of public participation, even if their solutions were sometimes vague or actually ambiguous. Yet, while elements of the intellectual and political climate inhibited the articulation and development of a broadly participatory town planning process during the interwar years, town planning thought undoubtedly retained an interest in the potential social value of community-oriented planning. Significantly, even today, the relationship between planners and planned often remains fraught, and this despite several large-scale inquiries on consultation and participation, as well as the expenditure of much money on planning propaganda and education.