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The kingdom held by Zwentibald, who died on 13 August 900, became a duchy with the same boundaries, known from the start by the convenient designation of Lotharingia. King Charles was subsequently able to appoint his notary Gauzlin to the see of Toul in 922, but if everything was still running smoothly for him in Lotharingia things were very different in west Francia. One might say that from the accession of Otto I to that of Otto III, even up to the accession of Hugh Capet, Lotharingia had the character of a Francia media, disputed between its two neighbours much as the kingdom of Lothar II had been earlier. The division of 959 took effect on Brun's death, but Godfrey, to whom lower Lotharingia had been entrusted, had already died in Italy in 964, and was not replaced immediately. Lotharingia has always been a transit zone. Calligraphy was a Lotharingian speciality.
This chapter shows that the Carpathian Basin was inhabited by Hungarian-speaking people earlier than the end of the ninth century. Magyar is known to be a Finno-Ugric language, but it includes many Bulgarian loan-words, and the language alone is no clue to ethnic origins. From the point of view of those who lived and thought as Christians, Hungarians, like the earlier Avars, Huns and Scythians, were pagan hordes of barbarian murderers who looted western and southern Europe. Western sources use the same term dux for the princes of Hungary as the later Hungarian chronicles; Liudprand of Cremona uses both rex and dux for their military leaders. The new prince, Taksony's son Géza, was soon baptised, according to Adhémar of Chabannes, and took the name Stephen. Stephen used his power and the riches gained by his triumph over rich people, in Transylvania amongst others, to build churches and monasteries like the richly endowed basilica of Fehérvár.
In every medieval century in Europe monastic life was renewed, and renewal might indeed be said to have been a characteristic of medieval monasticism. Moreover, many monasteries, in the German kingdom in particular, did not decline during the Ottonian era from the level they had reached in the Carolingian period. This chapter focusses on the impressive forces working for a renewal of monastic life in the tenth century; but in order to speak of reform monasticism in the tenth and eleventh centuries and of a movement which experienced a first wave in the tenth century. The careers of Benno and Eberhard of Einsiedeln, Einold of Gorze and Romuald all show that the eremitic monasticism of the tenth and eleventh centuries could not remain independent alongside coenobitic monasticism. However, the testament in which the first abbot of Cluny, Berno, defined his monastic inheritance dates from 927, when Abbot Odo, under whom Cluny became a centre of reform, took over the monastery.
The region known as Burgundy has had some of the most elastic borders of any region of France, and some of the various regions called 'Burgundy' at different times barely overlap at all. Imperial Burgundy included both the region around Besançon and Geneva, the heart of the Burgundian kingdom of four centuries earlier, and the region from Lyons and Vienne south to Arles and the Mediterranean. This latter, more southerly part of imperial Burgundy was sometimes called lower or cisjurane Burgundy and sometimes called Provence. This chapter focusses on the history of both halves of imperial Burgundy, including upper Burgundy and Provence, as well as that of the region which later became the French duchy of Burgundy, between the late ninth century and the early eleventh century. Radulf, the king of France who confirmed Charles-Constantine as count of Vienne after the death of Louis the Blind, was also a Bosonid, son of Duke Richard le Justicier of French Burgundy.
By the beginning of the tenth century Muslim expansion had come to an end in most areas of the Mediterranean world. In the western Mediterranean, Sicily, the Balearic Islands and much of the Iberian peninsula remained firmly in Muslim hands. Local autonomy in the centre and north of al-Andalus had long been a feature of the political life of Muslim Spain. For the next twenty years he was to be undisputed ruler of al-Andalus, a period which in some ways saw the apogee of Muslim Spain in terms of territorial security and internal peace and prosperity. In the tenth and early eleventh centuries, Sicily was an integral part of the Islamic world and was becoming increasingly populous and prosperous as time went on. Along with the Islamisation of Sicily went the continuing jihād in southern Italy. Muslim Sicily remained very much a conquest state.
The history of the church in Europe in the tenth and early eleventh centuries is essentially the history of many local churches, in which the dominant role in secular ecclesiastical and religious life was played by the bishops. Parish churches are associated not only with smaller units of a city, such as those created by Bishop Burchard in Worms in the early eleventh century, and with areas in the countryside, but also with individual lords' estates, the so-called Eigenkirchen. The charters witness to contact being maintained between the papacy and churches in England, France, Spain and Germany as well as in Italy and Rome itself. Ever since their first bishop, Anskar, had preached the Gospel in Denmark and Sweden, the bishops, in the way Adam of Bremen tells their story, directed their energies towards establishing the church in Scandinavia. The conciliar decisions of the tenth century overall have a clear and acknowledged debt to Carolingian church councils.
Intellectual life in this period is often given labels which relate to other politico-cultural events and phenomena: the post-Carolingian or pre-Gregorian age. The Carolingian renaissance largely ended Germanic oral tradition and popular culture, and created a need for a written culture based on manuscripts. At the end of the century Æthelwold's pupil Ælfric, who became abbot of Eynsham, represented the highest pinnacle of Benedictine reform and Anglo-Saxon literature. During the Carolingian period schools and intellectual life ran on parallel paths, and schools were equated with culture; even imperial culture under Charlemagne was conceived of as a school. The intellectual centre of Europe still lay in France, Burgundy and Lotharingia, where Carolingian culture had developed most fully. This chapter referres a number of Anglo-Saxon hagiographies and shows what might be termed missionary writings from the eastern frontier of Christianity. Intellectual production during the whole century was notably historiographic.
From the end of the fifth century or the early sixth century the presence of Slavs in the central European area is indisputable. The western Slavs included the ancestors of the peoples known later as Poles, Pomerani, Czechs, Slovaks and Polabi. The Bohemian Plain is blessed by its convenient position in the centre of Europe and by natural conditions which favour human settlement. In Bohemia there was one significant political centre in the middle of the country, reflecting the position of Prague in the Bohemian state. The clan as the fundamental unit of social organisation existed in both societies long before the tenth century. The beginnings of Christianity in Poland, leaving aside the puzzling and disputed origins of Christianity in southern Poland in the Moravian period, are connected with Bohemian and Bavarian influences. The church played a common role in the early phases of the development of societies and states in central Europe.
The conquest and incorporation of Saxony into the Carolingian empire, which Charles the Great achieved after long and bitter struggles, had far-reaching consequences for the political and institutional organisation of the Saxons. The Ottonian rulers naturally could not avoid giving offices and tasks to Saxon nobles from which a pre-eminence within the people might have been derived. Saxony in the Ottonian era was rich in centres from which royal lordship was exercised. The active role played by female members of the Ottonian family in Saxon politics is also evident in the succession of Conrad II in 1024-25. Military conflict with the Elbe Slavs was essentially a matter for the Saxons, and as far as we can see primarily for the Saxons living along the borders. Saxon historiography of the tenth century can thus hardly be characterised adequately as 'Ottonian' historiography, still less as 'Ottonian house tradition'.
For the western Frankish kingdom, Odo's reign initiated the era of principalities: hegemonies over cultural or ethnic entities which revived the former territorial units making up the regnum Francorum. Sources from north of the Loire largely ignore what was happening in the south: the Annales of Flodoard contain only a few scattered references to southern events, mainly during Radulf's reign. Gascony soon became a 'national' principality, in which a culturally and linguistically homogeneous population was subject only to the authority of native chieftains. The tenth century was the age of the principalities: still in formation in 900, they were in decline before 1000. Catalonia in the second half of the tenth century does, however, answer to the definition of a territorial principality. The decades around the millennium were a turning point in the history of the southern principalities. The southern princes thus forcibly declared an independence hitherto restrained by their loyalty to the Carolingian order.
The area over which the 'west Frankish' kings exercised meaningful authority contracted during the tenth century and new units of power emerged. These have customarily been termed 'territorial principalities' since the publication of Jan Dhondt's important book. Modern French historiography nevertheless remains undecided on the extent of continuity from the Carolingian period. The notion of the northern principalities as 'un prolongement carolingien' is deeply embedded in modern discussions. The principality of Flanders certainly evolved directly out of arrangements made during the reign of Charles the Bald, but its final shape was the result of the military achievements of its rulers. The beginnings of the principality of Blois Chartres Tours are similar. The Historia Normannorum of Dudo of Saint-Quentin, commissioned in the late tenth century for the Norman counts Duke Richard I and II, is the first instance of 'history' written to present a version of a principality's history.
Blinded by classical towns or fascinated by the mosaics which decorated a few exceptionally rich houses, ancient historians have refused to admit, in spite of archaeological evidence, that to the left and to the right of the Rhine, the Germanic and the Graeco-Roman rural economy were in much the same state. The basic unit of daily life was the family. The historian who examines the family of the first half of the tenth century will find three levels. This chapter suggests that the evolution of family structure was accompanied by the presence or the persistence of human groupings such as the hundred or even simply parishes. It shows why people needed to make a survey of cultivated lands before examining the environment. From the tenth to the eighteenth century it was the seigneurie in which the men of Europe lived, in forms showing wide chronological and geographical variation.
Histories of European Russia during the early medieval era normally focus upon the origins and development of the Rus' state centred at Kiev. Politically, it ignores the Byzantine Crimea, the Khazar khaganate, and the Volga Bulgar amirate, the non-Rus' states which existed in European Russia after 500 AD The peoples of European Russia inhabited five different geographic-economic zones during the early middle ages. The Khazars are also famous for the conversion of their ruling elite to Judaism, an event which probably took place in the early ninth century. In the aftermath of the Hunnic invasion, various Turkic peoples known as Bulgars entered the south Russian steppe from Kazakhstan. The Volga Bulgar amirate suddenly emerged from obscurity in the early tenth century. The origins and development of the Kievan state constitute the most contentious topic in medieval Rus' history.
At Charles the Great's deposition, the regnum Italiae, whose capital was Pavia, included north Italy from Piedmont to Friuli, Emilia as far as Modena, Tuscany, the Marches and the Abruzzi. The tumultuous immediate post-Carolingian period was dominated by the rivalry between Berengar and Wido, who were both typical products of a political transformation which had its roots in the hierarchical social order of the Frankish empire. Otto's reign immediately distinguished itself by the interest shown in Rome and in central and south Italy. In 967, Otto I raised his son to the position of co-emperor and began negotiations to obtain the hand of the Byzantine princess Theophanu for him. Despite the dealings between the two courts, there remained a certain amount of tension between them because of the renewed royal and imperial interest shown by Otto I in south Italy. The regional power structure in Italy just before the millennium shows the balance achieved between stability and innovation.