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42477 results in Collections

Page 1798 of 2124

  • 23 - Bulgaria: the other Balkan ‘empire’

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 567-585

  • Summary

    The history of Byzantium in this period cannot be divorced from that of Bulgaria, with which it shared borders for over 1000 kilometres. A contemporary encomiast in Bulgaria had compared Symeon with the founder of the library in Alexandria, Ptolemy. According to Byzantine chronicles, Symeon was provoked into war by the arbitrary manipulation of Bulgarian trade in Constantinople, and by the raising of customs dues. There were undeniably strains in Byzantino-Bulgarian relations after Symeon's massive show of force in 913. The sequence of events which brought Sviatoslav to the Balkans is controversial, because our main sources show discrepancies. At the same time, Bulgarian forces occupied much of Byzantine Thrace. Tomislav, however, inflicted a heavy defeat on the Bulgarians and, in a sense, vindicated Symeon's decision to attend to his western flanks. Nikephoros may have hoped to embroil them in Balkan warfare, distracting them from attacking Byzantine lands during his own campaigns in Syria and Mesopotamia.

  • 15 - West Francia: the kingdom

  • from PART II - POST-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 372-397

  • Summary

    The tenth century was crucial in the evolution of the west Frankish kingdom. Whereas in 898 its future was uncertain, with either reabsorption into a larger empire or disintegration into smaller units clearly possible, by 898 it was firmly on the map, albeit with ill-defined frontiers and a debatable political character. In 898, the wind seemed set fair for Charles the Simple. If the victory at Chartres did not put an end to invasions on west Frankish soil, it did create a substantial breathing space. Immediately Charles determined to exploit this by attempting to reverse the 880 restoration of Lotharingia to the east Frankish crown. The west Frankish realm was riven by Carolingian pretensions in Lotharingia. Thereupon a council of the west Frankish aristocrats, guided by Adalbero of Rheims, rejected the claims of Charles of Lotharingia to the throne, and elected Hugh Capet. Any history of the west Frankish kingdom inevitably highlights the king's relations with his princes.

  • 8 - Artists and patrons

  • from PART I - GENERAL THEMES
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 212-230

  • Summary

    One church of novel character which can still be seen is that of St Martin de Canigou, dating from the earliest years of the eleventh century, and built under the patronage of Count Wifred of Cerdaña. The Pyrenees, as Puig y Cadafalch long ago showed, was an important region for the early development of Romanesque styles. As patrons of art Archbishop Egbert and Abbess Matilda may have had at least one point in common, desire to bolster a vulnerable authority. The finest French book art of the tenth and early eleventh centuries drew its inspiration first and foremost from Carolingian and pre-Carolingian traditions of that region. This chapter shows how Ottonian book-illumination began, after the long hiatus from the late ninth century to the 960s, generally presumed to be caused by external threats and unsteady politics. The greatest book painter of the early period of Ottonian artistic efflorescence was the Gregory Master.

  • 26 - Southern Italy in the tenth century

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 624-645

  • Summary

    The seventy years before 900 were an era of disorder and continued crisis in southern Italy. The government of the principality of Benevento, which ruled over most of the south of the peninsula, was riven by succession disputes which led to the formal partition of the principality in 849. Thus, from c. 900 onwards the political structures of southern Italy remained, at least outwardly, more or less in equilibrium. Indeed in 956, when the government in Constantinople was able to release sufficient troops for a major expedition to Italy, the first target of that offensive was apparently Naples. The ecclesiastical changes after 970 were part of a more general overhaul of the administrative structure of Byzantine Italy. The expansion of the Greek population of Calabria into the heel of Italy led to administrative changes both lay and ecclesiastical. The year 982 saw the catastrophic eclipse of Ottonian influence in the south.

  • 25 - Byzantium and the West

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 605-623

  • Summary

    Byzantium's relations with the Latin west in this period have a 'Cheshire cat' character in comparison with ninth-century exchanges. Very little attention is paid to the Christian west by Byzantine writers even when Saxon potentates begin to intervene in Italy and bedeck themselves with imperial trimmings. In the late 950s Byzantines envisaged the reconquest of Crete as the prelude to victory in Sicily, while Otto I's intervention in Italy came in response to appeals from nearly every prominent figure, including John XII. The nature and extent of the impact of Theophanu on Ottonian court culture is controversial and ambivalent. The Byzantine late tenth- or early eleventh-century objets d'art still extant in German cathedral treasuries and museums probably arrived by a variety of routes, not merely from Theophanu's sumptuous dowry. Otto III tried to earn the appreciation of Rome's citizens through his promotion of the cult of the Virgin as protectress of Rome.

  • 11 - Bavaria in the tenth and early eleventh centuries

  • from PART II - POST-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 293-309

  • Summary

    In the summer of 814 Louis the Pious had organised the Frankish subkingdoms, among which Bavaria was named for the first time. A further tradition of Carolingian Bavaria was its polyethnic structures based on Roman, German and Slav traditions, and its openness to the south and west. Among the Slav neighbours of Carolingian Bavaria the Moravians had formed the most powerful polity both in political and in ecclesiastical terms. Arnulf was evidently still a young man when he began to restore and consolidate the Bavarian regnum after his father's death in 907. Arnulf acknowledged the integrity of the east Frankish kingdom and in return was able to retain his quasi-regal rule over Bavaria; indeed, it was probably Henry's recognition which first enabled him to establish it firmly. In the second half of the tenth century there was a noticeable increase both in intellectual activity and in the use of writing in the Bavarian bishoprics.

  • 22 - Byzantium in equilibrium, 886–944

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 553-566

  • Summary

    In the late ninth century the Byzantine emperor's dominions were straggling and vulnerable. A later task-force under the command of a trusted civil servant and relative by marriage of Leo VI, Himerios, was directed against Crete, from which the Byzantines had vainly tried to dislodge the Arabs in the ninth century. The following six years are commonly regarded as a break in the generally orderly political history of tenth-century Byzantium. Melitene was finally annexed in 934, and Theodosiopolis was eventually captured in 949. Muslim forts along the upper Euphrates and its tributaries were turned into Byzantine strongpoints. The most spectacular of Kourkouas' tours de force induced the citizens of Edessa to surrender their famed mandylion, the cloth with the miraculous imprint of Christ's features. In return, Romanos issued a chrysobull, pledging that Byzantium would never again molest the region of Edessa.

  • 18 - England, c. 900–1016

  • from PART II - POST-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 456-484

  • Summary

    A review of the major political developments in England during the course of the tenth and early eleventh centuries must begin during the reign of King Alfred the Great. In the inscrutable words of the West Saxon chronicler who reported King Alfred's death in 899, 'his son Edward succeeded to the kingdom'. Edward responded by bringing his army to Badbury, near Wimborne, whereupon Æthelwold slipped away 'to the Danish army in Northumbria, and they accepted him as king and gave allegiance to him. The strategy appears initially to have been directed against the threat of any renewed hostility from the Danish forces based in East Anglia and Northumbria. The circumstances of King Æthelstan's accession to the throne expose the tensions which still existed within the West Saxon royal family, and help to explain what may have been distinctive about his rule.

  • 28 - The Spanish kingdoms

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 670-691

  • Summary

    The Arab conquest of most of the Iberian peninsula in 711 destroyed the centralising governmental structures of the Visigothic monarchy and of the Spanish church. The deposition of Alfonso III of the Asturias by his son Garcia in 910 marks the formal divide between the Asturian and Leonese monarchies, but there was no break in dynastic continuity. Where in evidential terms the Leonese kingdom considerably excels its Asturian predecessor is in the survival of charters. The kings of Pamplona of the second dynasty, that of the Jiménez, are better known than their ninth-century Arista predecessors, but still appear shadowy in comparison with their Leonese contemporaries. To the west of the heartlands of the kingdom surrounding Pamplona lay the county of Aragón, which had been administered for the Navarrese monarchs by a line of hereditary counts since the early ninth century.

  • 24 - Byzantium expanding, 944–1025

  • from PART III - NON-CAROLINGIAN EUROPE
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 586-604

  • Summary

    The reign of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus as senior and dominant emperor has long been viewed as the apogee of Byzantium as a great power resplendent in culture and learning. Constantine may have known of the example of early tenth-century emperor, who had also filled his palace with books and whose reputation for learning was known to the Byzantines: Symeon of Bulgaria. Sayf's army proved no match for the Byzantine heavy cavalry and he fled ignominiously. Byzantine soldiers entered the town on 23 December 962. That same year, a Byzantine force occupied Cyprus. The resentment of the Bulgarians at the dissolution of their state was exploited by four sons of an Armenian officer in the Byzantine occupation army. Bardas Skleros fled to Muslim territory and lengthy negotiations ensued between Byzantium and Baghdad. Byzantine authority was reimposed on north-east Bulgaria, and around 1002 Basil exploited his new-found control of the lower Danube to advance upstream.

  • 4 - Rulers and government

  • from PART I - GENERAL THEMES
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 95-129

  • Summary

    Monarchy could take the form of empire. Only in Italy perhaps, among western lands, was there still a sense of Constantinople as the imperial centre of the Roman world. Tenth-century historians, namely Widukind, Liudprand, Flodoard and Richer, produced powerful images of royalty. In this respect, Italy in the tenth century was different from other post-Carolingian lands. And even in Italy, but still more clearly elsewhere in Frankish Europe, an ideal-type of Carolingian government was transmitted to the learned through the written residue of capitularies, conciliar decrees and documents. In the course of the tenth century, the patrilinear dynastic link with the Carolingians was broken in both west and east Frankish kingdoms. In 888, the old Carolingian realms had created kings out of their own guts. The west Frankish kingdom has been treated in much recent historiography as a tenth-century paradigm. The caliph's response to the tenth-century Ottonian kingdom prefigured that of many modern historians.

  • 1 - Introduction: reading the tenth century

  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 1-24

  • Summary

    This book covers a period in European history best described as the long tenth century, stretching from the 890s through to around 1020/30. It explains a contrast between the Latin west and the courtcentred cultures of Byzantium and Islam. Some kinds of material remains have escaped historians' general neglect of non-written sources, most notably those traditionally studied by art historians: painting, sculpture, goldsmithery and ivorywork, architecture. The post-Carolingian core of Europe retained a residual sense of pan-Frankishness long after kingdoms, had started to develop their own sense of identity. It is significant, therefore, that Italian and Spanish historians have been heavily influenced in recent years by the concerns of French medievalists. The chapter also discusses the anomalous historiographical traditions of Byzantine history and European Islamic history. For Americans whose secondary or primary ethnicity is eastern, central or southern European, they are not even the most important ones.

  • 3 - Merchants, markets and towns

  • from PART I - GENERAL THEMES
  • Edited by Timothy Reuter, University of Southampton
  • Book:
    The New Cambridge Medieval History
    Published online:
    28 March 2008
    Print publication:
    13 March 2000, pp 64-94

  • Summary

    The beginnings of the European town in the form known to us from the late Middle Ages lie in the tenth century. The trading of Islamic merchants was shaped by a detailed legislative framework based on writing. In the regions outside the old Roman Empire incorporated into the Frankish empire during the Merovingian and Carolingian periods, people find very varying beginnings for quasi-urban settlements and for mercantile centres. Markets for wholesale and long-distance trade, merchants' inns, and also markets for the agrarian produce of the hinterland lay on the periphery. In the transalpine regions of the former Frankish empire, in what were becoming France and Ottonian Germany, the development of towns took a quite different path. Although the development of towns and markets in France, Lotharingia and Germany was strongly influenced by regional political forces, the Ottonian rulers played a decisive part.

Page 1798 of 2124