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This chapter explores which brought ideals of Brahmanical rank to the fore in Indian life, without ever fully supplanting the ideals of the lordly man of prowess. It also explores why the Brahman's and merchant's ideal of a 'pure' dharmic way of life became so influential in the world of the so called caste 'Hindu'. In middle of the eighteenth century there were three main areas of advancement in which Brahmans and Brahman-centred values came increasingly to predominate: in the field of finance, statecraft and war, and ritual arena. In the peshwa daftar records, that is, the Maratha rulers' registers of state transactions and revenue obligations, the Peshwas documented acts of adjudication through which they as Brahman guardians of the realm proclaimed themselves arbiters of other people's jati and varna status. India's dynasts built their power through a drive for cash revenue. The techniques used to spread and tax commercial cash-crop production prefigured the strategies of Britain's colonial revenue machine.
This book began with an account of academic theories and debates, but it has argued throughout that no one model or explanatory formula can account for either the durability or the dynamism of caste. Indeed it has held that it requires the insights of both history and social anthropology to explore and interpret this contentious and multi-faceted element of Indian life.
Of course there have been other interdisciplinary studies of the subcontinent; these have inspired the methodology if not necessarily the conclusions of this work. Yet the fact remains that, for many historians of India, it has been difficult to relate the issues debated by anthropologists to the problems which they see in relation to caste, both in the distant past and in more recent times. So too for many anthropologists who, while acknowledging the fluidity of the Indian social order, have in some cases relied on oversimplified historical language in the attempt to identify its ‘traditional’, ‘colonial’ or ‘modern’ aspects.
It is not surprising then that the two disciplines sometimes seem far apart in their treatment of the subcontinent. Yet the two fields can and should be brought together, as has been done for so many other socially complex environments. As far as caste is concerned, striking things happen when we attach historical perspectives to the anthropologists’ models. The principles identified by social scientists need no longer be taken as contradictory or mutually exclusive; nor need we opt for only one key theme in the analysis of caste, be this power, purity or orientalist constructions. What can be seen instead is a multidimensional story of changing and interpenetrating reference points.
This chapter concerns caste consciousness as it has been manifested in surprising though generally uncontentious forms, most notably where one can see conventions of jati and varna difference retaining their power in the modern workplace and in the thinking of educated city-dwellers. Since the 1950s, cross-cutting affinities of faith, class and ethno-linguistic identity have often had a more direct and lasting impact on both local and national life than the claims of anti-Brahmanism, or Harijan uplift, or caste reform movements. The chapter examines why caste has come to operate for so many Indians in the manner of an imagined community, that is, as a bond of idealised allegiance answering needs which both in India and elsewhere have been more widely associated with the claims of two other forms of supra-local attachment, the modern nation and the ethno-religious community. In the years after Independence, social scientists found further evidence of the spread of these modern-minded or substantialised forms of caste consciousness.
This book is an attempt to account for and interpret the phenomenon of caste in the Indian subcontinent. It deals primarily with the period from the mid-eighteenth century to the present day, though the first two chapters explore the spread of castelike norms and values in the age of the great sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Indian dynasts.
Of all the topics that have fascinated and divided scholars of south Asia, caste is probably the most contentious. Defined by many specialists as a system of elaborately stratified social hierarchy that distinguishes India from all other societies, caste has achieved much the same significance in social, political and academic debate as race in the United States, class in Britain and faction in Italy. It has thus been widely thought of as the paramount fact of life in the subcontinent, and for some, as the very core or essence of south Asian civilisation.
There is of course an enormous body of academic writing on caste. Studies by anthropologists and other social scientists provide a wealth of closely observed ethnographic detail; many propose sophisticated theoretical interpretations. So, given the notorious sensitivity of this terrain, what is the case for an attempt to explore it from an historical perspective?
In recent years historians have broken much new ground in the study of political and economic change in the subcontinent, both before and during the colonial period. But caste, which is best seen as a meeting ground between everyday Indian life and thought and the strategies of rulers and other arbiters of moral and social order, tends to provoke more heated debate than almost anything else in the specialist literature.
This chapter examines the understandings of caste propounded by Western orientalists from the late seventeenth to the early twentieth century. By the early twentieth century, the massive bureaucratic machinery of the Raj had generated an enormous output of documentations in which jati and varna were used as basic units of identification. Two key themes have been identified in the vast array of regional ethnographic surveys, population censuses and other official and quasi-official writing. The first is an insistence on the supposedly ineradicable sense of community dividing Hindus from Muslims and other non-Hindus. The second is a view of Indians, apart from so-called tribals and followers of minority faiths, as slaves to rigid, Brahman-centred caste values. As of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, 'Aryan' caste Hindus were widely said by both Indian and British race theorists to be 'awaking' in evolutionary terms.
This chapter deals with the changing face of caste from the 1820s to the end of the nineteenth century. It examines how and why the conceptions of caste became so widely adopted in the course of the nineteenth century. The chapter explores the central paradox of the castelike social order: while colonial India's caste differences became widely spoken of as fixed essences of birth and rank, Indians kept finding ways to reshape and exploit them to meet conditions of change and insecurity. Historians of India's so-called subalterns have portrayed initiatives as assertions of anti-authoritarian resistance, especially when they took the form of collective action by low-caste or tribal people against landlords, money-lenders, or agents of the colonial state. Two distinct models of caste society had come into operation in the centuries immediately preceding the British conquest, with a leading role being played by the rulers of the precolonial period.
This chapter focuses the spread of the lordly or Kshatriya-centred manifestations of caste values. It discusses three important elements of change in the new states and dominions of the post-Mughal period: first, the emerging courtly synthesis between Kshatriya-like kings and Brahmans, later the diffusion of these values and practices into the world of the upper non-elite 'peasantry', and finally the continuing power and importance of martial 'predators' and so-called tribal peoples. The chapter explores the significance of these trends, and particularly the importance of individual agency in the forging of more castelike forms of social order through an account of the rise of the great Maratha-dominated polity of Shivaji Bhonsle. It certainly focuses on the many ways in which the experience of caste has taken root, often being forcibly challenged, and yet still spreading and diversifying in ways which had far-reaching effects across the subcontinent.
This chapter explores the moves made by jurists, politicians and government agencies in the decades after 1947. It discusses the provisions of the 1950 Constitution in regard to low-caste 'uplift'. The chapter attempts to interpret the battles over caste-based regional welfare schemes which have been an explosive feature of Indian politics in the years since Independence. The Indian state is certainly not all-powerful, and the moves it has made in regard to caste, reservations and the amelioration of social and economic 'backwardness' have been anything but consistent. Nevertheless, both the 1950 Constitution and the country's recent social justice schemes have confirmed much that the colonial planners and policy-makers had established in areas where they too regarded jati and varna as powerful realities of Indian life. It is hard to believe that the language of Indian politics will ever be purged of its references to 'scheduling', OBCs, Dalits, KHAMs, Backwards, Forwards, Manuvadi elites, and all the other caste-related categories and slogans.
This chapter focuses on one of the two manifestations of caste consciousness, the phenomenon of so called 'caste war'. It explores how caste can divide modern Indians to the point of systematic armed violence between those of high- and low-caste origin. It is true that those involved in 'caste wars' since the 1960s have generally mixed the language of jati and varna with references to faith, class and nationality, defining themselves and their opponents not just as embodiments of caste-based `community', but as landlords and tenants, capitalists and workers, oppressors and oppressed. Since the 1970s the ideals of the `secular' nation-state have been regularly inverted by groups claiming to be under threat from the real or imagined aggression of militant `Dalits'. In many of the widely reported conflicts, `caste war' violence has tended to feed back and forth between urban centres and the rural hinterlands from which towns like Banaras and Aurangabad draw many of their students and factory workers.
This chapter explores attempts by Gandhi and the other key political figures of the twentieth century to forge viable constitutional arrangements in a society where divisions of caste and ethno-religious community were seen both as national essences and, simultaneously, as impediments to modern nationhood. The founders of the Indian Republic were notably ambivalent about caste. The 1950 Constitution's celebrated commitment to casteless egalitarianism was prefigured in one of the major documents of the nationalist freedom struggle, the Indian National Congress's 1931 Karachi Resolution. Nehru's secular vision of social modernity shaped the Constitution of independent India. Yet the other two traditions have retained considerable power as well: the Gandhian goal of a modified and purified caste system, and, against this, the Ambedkarite view, which has found its expression in the assertiveness of the militant Dalit movements. These complexities and contradictions were all carried forward into the social welfare policies of the newly independent Indian republic.
This chapter explores the views aired in the subcontinent's emerging public arena, looking briefly at the early nineteenth century, but concentrating primarily on from the 1870s to the early 1930s. It examines why many Indian polemicists identified caste as a topic of vital concern for the modern nation, and seeks to identify the conceptual roots of the caste debates, as well as their intellectual and ideological consequences. The chapter also explores the ideas of the many Indians who made their mark in controversies about the spiritual and political meanings of caste. It discusses the conventional Hindu ideas about the low and unclean nature of 'untouchables'. Since the First World War, jati and varna were being so widely identified as expressions of Aryan/Hindu 'race genius', many theorists sought to distinguish between supposedly good and bad manifestations of 'caste spirit', and exalted the idealised solidarities of the twice-born as the embodiment of national faith and a cohesive national morality.