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During the fifties Williams's plays were eclectic. His two great box-office successes, Cat on a Hot Tin Roof (1955), which grapples with greed, mendacity, and homosexuality, and Sweet Bird of Youth (1959), an indictment of Southern bigotry, demonstrated his facility with naturalism. On the other hand, he wrote several non-naturalistic plays: The Rose Tattoo (1950), inspired by his relationship with Frank Merlo, a carnivalesque comedy celebrating the Dionysian; Camino Real (1953), an allegory about being trapped in a fascist state; Orpheus Descending (1957), a tragic love story set in a racist, brutally materialistic, dying South, Williams's version of the myth of Sisyphus; and Suddenly Last Summer (1958), in which Williams depicts the destructive nature of the writer and of homosexuality. Of the latter plays, Camino Real seemed the most egregiously misunderstood.
Williams's idea for Camino Real first came to him when he was sick in a desolate corner of Mexico. III, friendless, penniless, he felt as though he would never escape. He also thought that he would never be able to write a great play again:
I thought . . . that those “huge cloudy symbols of a high romance” that used to lift me up each morning . . . had gone like migratory birds that wouldn't fly back with any change of season. And so it was written to combat or to purify a despair that only another writer is likely to understand fully.
The Roman empire of the fourth and early fifth centuries remained, as it had always been, city-based, with political, religious and aristocratic life revolving around the civitates and around major capitals. Although their importance remained unchanged, the cities of the late empire differed in several obvious ways from the cities of the earlier Roman world. The three changes, in the political, military and religious role of the cities had a marked effect on the politics of city life and on the way that the aristocracy played out its role within the cities. The fourth to sixth centuries saw the decline of the centuries-old ideal of the classical city governing the patterns of local political life and spending. These centuries also saw the gradual emergence of a 'new' city, playing an important part within the overall administrative, financial and military structures of church and state, and increasingly focused on a Christian ideology of saints and their churches.
Syriac culture was heir to three quite different literary cultures: ancient Mesopotamian, Jewish and Greek. In the period up to 425, elements from all three can be readily identified, in varying proportions, in the extant literature; from the early fifth century onwards the Greek element became the predominant influence, while the other two fade into the background. This applies equally to the history of Syriac culture in the Sasanian empire, although there the influence of Greek culture on Syriac literature does not become strong until the sixth century. The interaction between Greek and Syriac culture in Syria and northern Mesopotamia was in fact a complex affair, and in the period under consideration the juxtaposition of the two literary cultures resulted in mutual enrichment. In the sixth century, at a time when the prestige of Greek culture was resulting in ever stronger influence on Syriac literature, Syriac was actually gaining ground as a written language to the west of the Euphrates.
Another decent thing about me is my tolerance and my love of people and my gentleness toward them. I think I have acquired that through suffering and loneliness.
Tennessee Williams, unpublished journal
Cat on a Hot Tin Roof was a great critical and financial success for Tennessee Williams. The play opened on Broadway on March 24, 1955, ran for nearly 700 performances, and won all the major awards, including Williams's second Pulitzer Prize for Drama. The MGM film adaptation in 1958, although deplored by Williams, was lucrative and made the playwright financially secure for the rest of his life. Major New York revivals in 1974 and 1990 confirmed the appeal of Cat to successive generations of theatregoers. To give the dimension of a Broadway career to these bare facts of success is my intention in the pages that follow. The inner story of Cat on a Hot Tin Roof begins with Williams's need to reverse a pattern of failure that became alarming with the early closing of Camino Real in 1953. But writing in this “place of stone,” to quote the original epigraph of Cat, occasioned the practice of a deceptive realism that satisfied both the economic law of Broadway and the artistic prompting of Tennessee Williams's endangered career. In this work of mediation, the realistic conventions of the Southern literary plantation were used to obscure Williams's skepticism for the theatre of “de-monstration.”
In a makeshift theatre of perhaps fifty seats, on a stage shrouded by swathes of coarse white cloth, a Williams two-hander plays - The Chalky White Substance. To a faint sad sound, lights come up on two monk-like figures in diagonal corners of the small stage. When lights are full up, but before a word is uttered, the upstage figure moves diagonally downstage and places his hands over the eyes of the other actor: “Whoooo?” And the reply: “Youuuuuuu! - You can disguise your voice but not your hands.” By the end of the play those hands grasp the vulnerable figure, not in a lover's embrace but a captor's hold. The love affair of two men cannot outlast the competitive struggle for survival in a chalky white world that is hostile to human habitation, “a century or two after our time.” On stage The Chalky White Substance was so cumulatively harrowing that I was surprised when the performance was over in half an hour. The name of Tennessee Williams had drawn me to the production, where I was transfixed by the spare performances of two unknown but capable actors in an unfamiliar piece.
CATHERINE: Completing! - a sort of! - image! - he had of himself as a sort of! - sacrifice to a! - terrible sort of a -
DOCTOR: - God?
CATHERINE: Yes, a cruel one, Doctor!
Suddenly Last Summer
Tennessee Williams's Val Xavier, the itinerant sexual magnet of Orpheus Descending (1957), is immolated with a blowtorch on the night before Easter. Chance Wayne, the hustler hero of Sweet Bird of Youth (1959), is castrated on Easter Sunday. In between these two plays and acting as a queer gloss on them is the grotesque parody of the Eucharist in Sebastian Venable's crucifixion and consumption by the street urchins he has tasted in Suddenly Last Summer (1958). These three martyrs, Sebastian Venable, Val Xavier, and Chance Wayne, are sacrificed for violating their proscribed roles in the patriarchal sex/gender system. The possibility of a new sex/gender system is seen through the two central female characters in each play, one mutilated, the other healed. These plays, then, make a kind of trilogy, developing themes and characters seen in earlier plays and resolving in Williams's next dyad of quasi-religious acceptance, The Night of the Iguana (1961) and The Milk Train Doesn't Stop Here Anymore (1963-64). I want to focus here on the beautiful male as sexual martyr in these three plays, on the dynamics and erotics of the martyrdoms, and on the ways in which his relationship to the fugitive woman suggests a liberating possibility. To discuss Williams's depictions of the sexlgender system, one must also examine the relationship of homosexuality and heterosexuality in Williams's work.
How did Thomas Lanier Williams III become Tennessee Williams the playwright? What in his apprentice years predicts the masterworks which became classics of the American stage? While we cannot explain his genius, we can trace elements in his nature, nurture, and circumstance which fostered its expression. Even as a small child Tom showed a gift for drama, entertaining the grown-ups in the family with stories which grew increasingly exciting as he told them. He would also act out the cartoons from the newspaper. Reared in the rectory of his grandfather, the Reverend Walter Dakin, he felt both the prestige and burden of being called “the preacher's boy.” His parents were virtually separated, his traveling-salesman father appearing only often enough to upset the tranquil household and frighten his children. His mother, Edwina, had the beauty and social inclinations of a Southern belle and, if not the wealth, the status that the Episcopalian ministry held in the small cotton center of Clarksdale, Mississippi. She often performed as a singer and, since Tom's grandmother was a music teacher, music early became a component of his life. Tom and his sister Rose, only sixteen months apart, were as inseparable as twins and were called “The Couple.”
The most obvious characteristic of Roman society, its verticality, became more accentuated in late antiquity. The history of social relations in late antiquity certainly benefits from being illuminated by sources notable for their quantity and quality. The sources issue, as always in antiquity, from the upper classes of society, and the silence of the lower classes is almost total. Christian charity undoubtedly represented a significant departure from the typical forms of munificence of the pagan empire, precisely because of the universalistic ideology which directed it towards groups which were normally neglected. In the second half of the fourth century, a way of advancement opened up for Christian women in the form of an ascetic lifestyle. The increased verticalization of the society of late antiquity is most apparent in the emphasis on the figure of the emperor. At Constantinople between the fourth and the fifth century the arbiters of the political struggle are the barbarians in the army and the bishops.
The legacy of Theodosius I to the Roman world contained three elements of capital importance. First, his insistence that the Nicene version of Christian orthodoxy prevail routed Arianism from its strongholds in the Balkans and in Constantinople itself and laid down the lines of development for Roman Christianity, both east and west. Second, his settling as autonomous federates the barbarian peoples who had crossed into the Roman empire both before and after Adrianople, his gready increased use of federate troops in the Roman armies, and his cultivation of the chieftains of the barbarians, especially the Visigoths. Finally, Theodosius' determination that his dynasty should rule the whole Roman world led to a costly civil war against Eugenius and, at his own death shordy thereafter, the division of the empire between his two young and incapable sons, controlled by ministers whose rivalries split the resources of the state at a time when they needed to be united.
This chapter talks about the hand of the state and about its role, whether active or passive, in the foundering of public polytheism. The reign of Constantius is peculiarly elusive for the historian of religion. Julian was a polytheist who believed firmly in individual gods who inhabited particular parts of the earth. Though there was some anti-polydieist reaction immediately after Julian's death, his successor Jovian (363-4) espoused a 'Constantinian' policy of broad toleration which permitted, according to Themistius, 'legal sacrifices'. About the year 386, for example, one finds bishop Marcellus of Apamea encompassing, in that famous centre of polytheist religion and philosophy, the destruction of the temple of Zeus. As a form of local and especially rural religion, polytheism showed remarkable powers of resistance. Although there is an obvious connection between the triumph of Christianity and the demise of polytheism, these were two distinct processes with independent timetables.
The geographical area dominated by the Goths before the arrival of the Huns is broadly defined by the extent of the Cernjachov culture. In the past, the association of this culture with the Goths was highly contentious, but important methodological advances have made it irresistible. It is traditional to conceive of the Goths as being divided in the fourth century into Visigoths and Ostrogoths. A huge revolution in Gothic society, started some fifty years earlier by the Huns, had finally come to fruition in the creation of the Visigoths. Theoderic I established a new order in Gotho-Roman relations. Goths and Romans co-operated in Spain, destroying one out of two Vandal groups, and savaging various groups of Alans. For the Romans, the Goths had become a lesser evil, and, with that in mind, they were willing to countenance their autonomous settlement within the Roman frontier and sanction it with a formal alliance.
In the Roman tradition diplomacy, that is, 'direct communication state-to-state', was viewed mainly as an adjunct or epilogue to war, as when a victorious general negotiated the surrender of a defeated enemy, or an alliance was struck for a military goal, or a truce was agreed to forestall an attack or bury the dead. Information from the works, contextualized by the enormous amount of data now available from archaeology, makes it possible to construct a fairly ample account of the warfare of the period. The Greek and Latin sources begin to show a greater interest in diplomatic activity only during the later part of the reign of Theodosius II. Diocletian and Constantine completed the work of the third-century soldier-emperors in saving the Roman empire from its external enemies. The dangers latent in the federate settlements became clear soon after the death of Theodosius and the division of the empire between his ineffective sons, Arcadius and Honorius.
Handel is at the same time one of the most accessible and one of the most elusive of the major creative figures in Western music. The ‘Hallelujah Chorus’, ‘Handel's Largo’, the Hornpipe from the Water Music and the opening of ‘Zadok the Priest’ are examples of pieces of his music that have had sufficient appeal to find their way into ‘popular’ consciousness at various times during the twentieth century. Moreover, Handel's broad, attractive musical style seems to present few problems for the listener: it is to be heard in the background in restaurants and aircraft cabins, the choice of company managements that wish at the same time to find a pleasingly neutral aural background and to flatter their clientele with allusions to ‘high’ culture. No one would begrudge Handel this place in the sun: indeed, most of us would prefer that, if the aural wallpaper is to be inevitable, it should be worth listening to. But of course there is a danger that the music will be taken for granted: it is heard so often that everyone ‘knows’ it: it is assumed that there is no more to be said, and even repeat performance borders on the superfluous for real musicians. Mozart's 40th symphony and Beethoven's Fifth suffer this same hazard, but perhaps the danger to Handel is more subtle: his style is in itself sometimes apparently so effortless as to discourage further investigation. Yet there is indeed more to be said, and more questions to be asked, about the context in which Handel’s style developed, about the novelty of his own mature style, about the compositional skill that lies behind the apparently effortless fluency, and behind his knack of setting up a mood or an emotional intensity with the simplest musical means.
London, where Handel spent his mature career, can be regarded as the historical home of the public concert. John Banister's concerts in 1672 have a claim to being the first-ever series of such concerts, though Banister may previously have attempted a similar venture in Oxford. During Handel's lifetime benefit concerts, usually involving a mixed programme of instrumental and vocal items, were a regular, if occasional, part of the London theatre programmes. Hickford's concert room was an established concert venue, and was one of the places attended by a visiting Frenchman in the mid 1720s:
While we are on the subject of music, I must tell you about the public concerts in London, which are poor stuff compared with ours. We heard one which took place in a low room, decorated throughout but with dirty paint, which is usually a dance-hall; there is a platform at one end that you climb a few steps to get on to, and that is where the musicians are placed. They played some sonatas and sang English and German ballads: you pay 5 shillings for these inferior concerts. We attended another concert on the first floor of a coffee-house, where the violins from the opera house play every Thursday. They were all Germans, who play very well but rather inexpressively; one of them played the German flute excellently. We also saw a clergyman playing the cello.