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Because he has 'watch'd men, manners too / Heard what times past have said, seen what ours doe', the humanist antiquary earns the praise of the humanist poet. The balanced rhythm of attention that Ben Jonson here ascribes to John Selden is an idealization of what might be called the neoclassical habit of mind, with its alternation between censorious inspection of the present and studious review of the past. Other rhythms support this central one - of collection and dissemination, exemplification and dismissal, learning and teaching:
Which grace shall I make love to first? your skill,
Or faith in things? or is't your wealth and will
To instruct and teach? or your unweary'd paine
Of Gathering? Bountie in pouring out again?
What fables have you vext! what truth redeem'd!
Antiquities search'd! Opinions dis-esteem'd!
Impostures branded! and Authorities urg'd!
What blots and errours, have you watch'd and purg'd
Records, and Authors of! how rectified /Times, manners, customes! ...
Jonson represents Selden's classicism as an ideal personal discipline, an ethics. Oddly, however, the ethical poise asserted here is represented without perfect aesthetic poise; the poem seems a less balanced thing than its subject. It is not just the unfortunate effect of the hectic exclamation marks; it is more a matter of the Ciceronian exclamations, with their ellipses constricting the praise as much as the repetitions extend it.
Although humanism took root in the learned culture of fifteenth-century England, it was not until the next century that it bore fruit in vernacular literature. In the period between the Florentine humanist Poggio Bracciolini's visit to England (c. 1418-22) and Bishop William Waynflete's founding of Magdalen College School at Oxford (1480), English book collectors, diplomats and grammarians increased their knowledge of Italian classical learning. These cultural links with Italy fostered the creation of the humanist libraries and grammar schools which would educate the Tudor elite - among them the first great English humanist writer, Sir Thomas More, who, unlike many of his contemporaries, had no direct contact with Italy. As in Italy, humanism took root in England at a time when the education it promoted was suited to the needs of the governing classes: the monarch, members of the council, church officials and civil servants. It became necessary to write Latin well, with the humanist's attention to grammar and the elegantly subordinated syntax of the Ciceronian style, in order to carry on diplomatic and domestic matters of state. Since, however, this humanist programme was also appropriated and deployed to produce great literary works, it can be said to have been much more than a mere pragmatic tool to attain influence and power. Indeed, humanist-inspired works of literature even allowed for scepticism about the principles underlying the primary realm of power - the economy, politics, institutional religion - as well as criticism of the aims of humanism itself.
In 1576 the Cambridge University praelector in rhetoric, Gabriel Harvey, began his spring series of lectures with an oration which he later published under the title of Ciceronianus. In this speech, he announced his conversion from the superficial Ciceronianism of those who express themselves only in the words and phrases of their master to the more profound Ciceronianism of those who understood the reasoning and expression of his speeches. He advised his audience:
Pay attention not only to the brilliant greenery of words, but more to the ripe fruit of meaning and reasoning ... Remember that Homer [Iliad 1.201] described words as pteroenta, that is, winged, because they easily fly away unless they are kept in balance by the weight of the subject-matter. Unite dialectic and knowledge with rhetoric. Keep your tongue in step with your mind. Learn from Erasmus to combine an abundance (copia) of words with an abundance of matter; learn from Ramus to embrace a philosophy which has been allied to eloquence; learn from Homer's Phoenix to be doers of deeds as well as writers of words.
Harvey planned to devote his lectures to a rhetorical and dialectical analysis of Cicero's oration Post reditum in Senatu. The distinctive humanist contribution to rhetorical education was the use of dialectic and rhetoric together to read classical texts. The precepts of rhetoric and dialectic would inform the reader's observation of the practice of Cicero and Virgil; reading Cicero and Virgil would in turn enrich one's understanding of how to use both words and arguments. The classical authors would also provide a rich store of material for use in new compositions.
Numerous reasons have been put forward to explain Rome's decision to invade Britain at this precise juncture. Among them can be listed the military ambition of Claudius, now emperor after Gaius' assassination; the prospect of mineral and other wealth; a surplus of legions on the German frontier after Gaius had created two more to back his abortive invasion attempt; the final suppression of druidism, which had been outlawed in Gaul, no doubt causing many adherents to seek refuge across the Channel. According to Tacitus, Cogidubnus proved a staunch ally to Rome and led his kingdom steadily towards peaceful Romanization until his death, probably in the Flavian period. Trade in Britain, and between Britain and the rest of the empire, increased rapidly, much of it at first probably connected with supplies under army. Totally foreign to British religious practice was the introduction of the imperial cult, with its physical centre at Colchester.
What is reported of the activities of Roman commanders in the Balkans implies a control of the lower Danube that may have been extended through use of the fleet to the Black Sea. Sirmium near the mouth of the Sava, the key to the middle Danube, was saved by the Balkan army and the Thracian cavalry under Rhoemetalces, while in the west the army of Illyricum held fast at Siscia. The indigenous peoples of the Danube lands at the time of the Roman conquest fall into four groups, whose languages all belonged to the Indo-European family. These were Celts in the north west, Illyrians in the west, and Dacians and Thracians in the east, respectively north and south of the Danube. Long before the time of Caesar, Roman merchants and settlers had reached Macedonia and Illyricum but the formal institution of Roman colonies in both areas began only in the aftermath of civil war between Caesar and Pompey.
In 15 BC Rome's interests in the central Alps and the Alpine foothills were only indirect. The central Alpine region apparently had no provincial governor before Claudius and still seems not fully to have been a province at that time. The central Alpine foothills and the mountains would hardly have been controlled at all during the reign of Tiberius by Roman occupying forces-the closest military force was the legion which was stationed in the fortress of Vindonissa/Windisch after AD 16/17. Nor do one knows of any new settlements in the Augustan - Tiberian period in the Inn valley, the upper Adige valley, the eastern part of the later province of Raetia, or along the Danube. In the early imperial period the centre of Raetia lay in Suebia. It was probably Claudius who abandoned Rome's reservations with regard to the Alpine region, assuming that one would refuse to credit Caligula with a degree of practicality and astuteness.
The differences between the three regions, mainland Greece and the islands, western Asia Minor, and the Anatolian plateau, remained clear and are only lightly masked by the Greek terminology and nomenclature that literacy and public life were imposing. The islands of Crete and Cyprus were allowed to survive for longer outside direct control, Cyprus until P. Clodius Pulcher passed a bill for its annexation in 58 BC Crete in part at least until the end of the Republic. Mainland Greece, Crete and the Cyclades in political terms were well able to govern themselves; economically the mainland at least was an area in decline and depopulation, unlikely to make much contribution to the cost of running it and very unlikely to present any threat to security. In Asia Minor as in Greece Augustus encouraged the development of city life, more by way of innovation here than in restoration; even in the province of Asia it was lacking in remoter, inland districts.
In order to understand the preferences of the age one must return to the ideological background to Augustus' dealing with the city of Rome. Building had been a prominent part of the self-presentation of the Roman elite since time immemorial, and Augustus needed to excel at all the activities which conferred auctoritas; so he could not but display his power in this way, could not refrain from adding his monumenta to the accumulated record of the great men of the past which could be read in the architecture of Rome. Rome's periphery had undergone various evolutions with the changes in the nature and size of the population and the availability of wealth and food. The dialogue of public religion is the matrix which held together the highly disparate elements of Roman society. The institution effect of the Principate was to increase the privileges of the part of the population which was present in the vicinity of the city of Rome.
Roman religion had always been closely linked with the city of Rome and its boundaries. Roman mythology, according to the traditional view, never existed: only under the influence of Greece in the last centuries BC did the gods acquire some kind of mythology. The Augustan period is conventionally viewed as one of restoration or renovation of traditional cults plus the addition of ruler cult. There were major changes in Rome in the Augustan period, which affected senatorial priesthoods and state temples; at the lower level, the ward cults; and the Secular Games. There were also rituals which focused more directly on the emperor himself, especially after his death. These are normally described as 'the imperial cult', and placed in a separate category from the 'restoration of religion'. The city of Rome also has to be located in the context of the empire. The social and physical context of the changes in Rome in the Augustan period merits discussion.
The history of Egypt in the decade after Actium well illustrates the major features of the Augustan frontier strategy. In describing the details of the business handled by means of the bureaucratic structures, it is convenient to make a conventional division between the military, financial and judicial administration but it should be emphasized that there are in practice very few rigid lines of demarcation; the application of law and the administration of justice, in particular, pervades every area of bureaucratic activity in a way which modern notions of administration and jurisdiction tend to obfuscate. An attempt at a brief description of Egyptian economic and social institutions and practices under the early Roman Empire has to proceed from a somewhat conjectural base. The fact that official terminology marked out the great city of Alexandria as separate from the Egyptian chora indicates the justification for giving it special attention.