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The only historical sources at our disposal recording the settlement of the Israelite patriarchs in Canaan, their stay there, Israel's sojourn in Egypt, the exodus and the wanderings in the Sinai peninsula and east of the 'Arabah and the Dead Sea are the narratives in the Pentateuch. Akkadian and Hittite texts of the first half of the second millennium, thought to refer to military events recorded in Genesis xiv; documents from Nuzi mentioning legal customs which are, or appear, similar to those presupposed in the stories of the patriarchs. However, these are ambiguous in interpretation, and thus they can be adduced only as supplementing the story to be obtained from the Pentateuch narratives. The arrangement of the stories in the Pentateuch based on a genealogical order that appears chronological, or in the form of itineraries, has no claim to be in itself truly historical. Each narrative should be examined to see to which period or which area its subject belongs.
This chapter talks about Syria under the rule of the Hittites. The latent rivalry between the Egyptians and the Hittites erupted into open warfare as soon as Amurru was compelled to abrogate the treaty which bound it to the Hittite king. King Muwatallish died without leaving a legitimate son to succeed him. Hence, it was necessary to invoke the constitution of Telepinush which provided that in such a case the eldest son of a royal concubine should be made king. In this manner Urkhi-Teshub was proclaimed king. Khattushilish supported his claims; in his apology, he makes much of it and insists that his attitude toward his nephew is proof of his loyalty and generosity. The Empire period, from Shuppiluliumash to the catastrophe around 1200 BC, saw the Hittites ruling supreme over the Anatolian plateau from the western valleys to the headwaters of the Euphrates. They expanded their domain to include Cilicia and Syria from the Taurus to the Lebanon.
European sea voyages to Africa and America in the fifteenth century laid the basis for an extensive operation linking up the three continents. From an African viewpoint, there were three sets of relationships which can be isolated for analysis. First, there were direct ties between Africa and Europe; secondly, there was an African presence created in the Americas; and thirdly, there was a tri-continental interaction which was more than just the sum of the other two. This interaction involved commerce, the establishment of settler colonies and the creation of new social relations – amounting to a different international political economy, with its centre in western Europe and with its dynamics supplied by capitalist accumulative tendencies.
EUROPE'S IMAGE OF AFRICA
Portuguese navigational achievements intensified contacts between Europe and the western Sudan – contacts which had until then stretched tenuously across the Mediterranean and the Sahara, and which had been mediated by the Muslims of North Africa. Farther along the western coast and in southern Africa, Europeans made completely new acquaintances. The people of the Kongo kingdom, the Khoisan (Hottentots) and the mwene mutapa's kingdom were all featuring in European literature in the sixteenth century. When the Portuguese sailed up the East African coast, they met not only new African faces, but also their familiar antagonists, the Muslims. Catholic Europe had entertained the hope that the political power of a Christian ‘Prester John’ somewhere in Africa or Asia might be drawn into the balance against the Muslim world; but this was never to be, although relations were established with the Christian state of Ethiopia, signifying the renewal of cultural links which had been severely attenuated since the rise of Islam.
Variety of experience is perhaps the most striking feature of the history of eastern Africa during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Along the coast this vast region stretches southwards from Mogadishu to the mouth of the Zambezi river. Inland it extends from the southern Ethiopian escarpment and the southern Sudan down along the western edge of the great lakes region, across the corridor between Lakes Tanganyika and Malawi, and then follows the Luangwa river until its confluence with the Zambezi. In the northern interior – including most of modern Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi – both Nilotic-speaking and Bantu-speaking peoples were still isolated from the coast, still able to resolve their problems without having to confront the economic and allied challenges that would emanate from the coast in the nineteenth century. In the central interior – encompassing most of the Tanzanian mainland – it is possible to see a gradual transition by the end of the eighteenth century from the northern pattern of historical development to that of the southern interior – comprising what is today southern Tanzania, northern Mozambique, Malawi, and the eastern-most region of Zambia – where the main challenge to the Bantu-speaking peoples was the growth and impact of international trade. On the coast, the various Swahili-speaking communities were already concerned to preserve what they could of their ancient political and economic independence from two successive sets of overlords, the Portuguese and the Omani Arabs. Yet throughout these two centuries it is also possible to discern common processes at work in these four regions of eastern Africa.
On the death of Amenophis III his eldest surviving son, Neferkheprure Amenhotpe (Amenophis IV), who later in his reign took the name of Akhenaten was accepted by foreign princes as the new pharaoh. The problem remains whether he had been recognized by the Egyptians as the coregent of his father for some time previously. During the Amarna period, the fiscal system of Egypt had developed over the centuries and, by adjusting the claims of small local shrines, the larger temples and the departments of the Palace, had produced a system that operated without intolerable exploitation. Ay apparently died without living male issue and was succeeded by the Great Commander of the Army, Horemheb, who had exercised supreme power as the King's Deputy under Tutankhamun during the latter's minority. The Egyptian records from the death of Amenophis III to the accession of Sethos I are incomplete to give any coherent picture of the foreign scene as viewed through Egyptian eyes.
Two great divides have marked the last seven millennia in Africa: the transition to food production and the modern revolution in the means of communication. The impact of these innovations was by no means felt simultaneously throughout the continent. A few people living in the most inhospitable areas have yet to participate in the first, but the vast majority of Africans were already pastoralists or agriculturalists long before the end of the first millennium AD. The impact of the second, nineteenth-century revolution was more immediate, though certain aspects of communications were already being influenced by much earlier developments. In successive millennia, trade-links within Africa had been profoundly affected by the Phoenician, Arab and Portuguese explorations of, respectively, the North African, Indian Ocean and Atlantic coasts of Africa. North of the equatorial forests, the camel and the horse had increased man's mobility, and Islam had brought literacy to a restricted few. But until the transformation which began, not with colonial rule, but with the steamers, railways, telegraph, vernacular bibles and newspapers of the nineteenth century, communications throughout most of sub-Saharan Africa had remained largely dependent on oral messages and human porterage. Until the nineteenth century, the pace of change was not dependent on an alien technology. The main lines of communication lay not with the outside world, but within the continent itself.
Compared with these watersheds, the year 1600 marked no noticeable break in continuity; yet in some important respects the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Africa do constitute a period of transition, distinct from both the sixteenth and the nineteenth centuries.
This chapter talks about the city of Ugarit located in Syria during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries BC. The kingdom of Ugarit possessed many natural advantages which her rulers turned to good effect. Augmented, it included a long stretch of fertile coastal plain, hills clad with olive groves and vine terraces, and thickly wooded mountains; behind, the steppe afforded both grazing and hunting. The history of the royal house of Ugarit begins in the early fourteenth century with Ammishtamru I. One of the letters from Ugarit found among the Amarna correspondence bears the name of Ammishtamru. The Canaanite temple of the Late Bronze Age was a simple building in comparison with its grandiose contemporaries in Egypt and Mesopotamia. One of the Canaanite texts entitled by the scribal copyist 'Of Keret', purports to relate the deeds of a hero or demigod. The language of this earliest Canaanite literature is full of metaphor and poetic imagery.
This chapter talks about the Assyrian military power during the period by focusing on the campaigns of Adad-nīrāri I, the conquest of Khanigalbat, and the conquest of Babylonia. The reign of Adad-nīrāri I inaugurated a period of rapid expansion. His leadership and that of his immediate successors, Shalmaneser I and Tukulti-Ninurta I, saw Assyria extend its territories and eventually emerged as one of the most powerful states of the Near East. In Khanigalbat, Shalmaneser I was opposed not only by its ruler, Shattuara II, but by a Hittite army which, since it included a contingent of the Akhlamu tribe of the Syrian desert. For much of his first decade his energies were directed to establishing a firmer control over the lands to the east and north than had been achieved by his predecessors. Tukulti-Ninurta I demolished its fortifications, put the inhabitants to the sword, looted Babylon and the temple E-sagila and carried off the statue of Marduk to Assyria.
The spiritual transformation of a people and their participation in the life of a new spiritual universe brought into being by a fresh revelation from heaven is too profound a reality to be reduced simply to sociopolitical or economic factors. To study the history of Sūfism in Persia during the first few centuries of Islamic history, one must turn to the study of the origin of Sūfism from the first decades of Islamic history. Sūfism, in its inner reality, and not necessarily in all the formulations it has adopted throughout its history to expound its perennial truths, is rooted in the Quran and the Sunna and Hadith of the Prophet of Islam. The first manifestations of Sūfism, are to be found, after the Prophet, Ali and a few other of the closest Companions, in several of the figures who came to be known throughout the early community for their asceticism and piety.
In the western conception of Persian literature the words rubā'īyāt and 'Umar Khayyām have become practically synonymous, and it is only recently that scholarship in this field has brought a growing realization that this picture is incomplete. This chapter shows what extent Khayyām contributed to the development of this particular Persian literary form. The rubā'ī is one of the most foot-loose of Persian verse-forms, a fact largely explained by its brevity and its uniformity of metre and form. The shape of the rubā'ī has remained unchanged throughout its long career in Persian literature. In any case the stanzaic poem is comparatively rare in Persian literature. Khayyām's name first appears as the author of rubā'īyāt in 7th/13th century sources, by which time people are already a century after his own time, more than sufficient for corruptions and interpolations to have taken place.
The religious evolution of Iran during the centuries from the Arab conquest to the rise of the Saljuqs was determined by a number of factors which, so far, have not been adequately isolated and analysed. This chapter identifies the politico-economical dimension of rebellions and heresies, and at the same time single out a few recurring and typical traits deserving the attention of the student of Iranian religious phenomena. It considers political and social developments of Iran by analysing their factual background before proceeding to a religious interpretation. The leader's wealth stressed by sources and the claim to Abū Muslim's treasure do not allow one to bracket this revolt together with other purely "protest" movements. The very term of Khurramdīn can in fact incorporate a number of meanings ranging from ambiguous though plausible identification with a reformed branch of new Mazdakism adjusted to Islamic pattern, to a vague sort of common denominator for a number of small sects mentioned by heresiographers.
There is a strange persistence in many Western studies of the religious history of Islamic Iran to be concerned almost solely with small sects and extremist religious movements. A notable feature of the Islamization of Iran that is reflected in the work of the Persian scholars, who were concerned with the religious sciences is strong opposition to the Zanādiqa and similar heterodox groups. The sciences dealing with the Quran are divided traditionally into those dealing with the recitation of the Book and those dealing with commentary upon it and the meaning of its content. The Quran itself provides in many places intellectual evidence and demonstration for its arguments and is the example for all later developments of Islamic religious sciences in which rational arguments are provided for articles and principles of faith. The efforts of Persian scholars in helping to lay the foundation of many of the Islamic sciences during the early period continued into the Saljuq and Timurid periods.
This chapter describes scientific activity in Iran during the four centuries beginning about 30/650. Early ‘Abbāsid scientists tended to be astronomer-astrologers whose techniques and theories were inherited from Indian and Sāsānian forebears and whose role as innovators was small. Their sole major contribution was in the form of numerous and meticulous astronomical observations. Present knowledge of the scribal arithmetic is due largely to study of a textbook for the use of government employees written by Abu'l-Wafā' al-Buzjānī, a thinker of great originality and power. Computational mathematics did not reach the degree of sophistication it achieved later, in Mongol and Timurid times, but numerical tables of functions were considerably more extensive and precise than those produced by the Greeks and the Indians. Among the more complicated arithmetic processes, the operation of root extraction received considerable attention in ‘Abbāsid times.
The first author for consideration is a mōbad named Āturfarnbag i Farruxzātān, of whom it is known that he lived under the 'Abbāsid Caliph Ma'mūn and that he was chief of the Mazdaeans of Fars. Āturfarnbag is mentioned also in the Dātistān-i dēnīk, as an authority on the tariffs of the cult, and in the "Epistles" of Manušcīhr. With the publication of the Rivāyat of Emēt a few years before that of the Rivāyat of Āturfarnbag one of the surprises in store must have been the small group of questions devoted to the forms of marriage between close relations, the existence of which, even in remote antiquity, was vehemently contested in the last century. Defence of Mazdaism is manifestly based on the Dēnkart. The Zoroastrian scholars living under Islamic rule did not confine themselves to writing in Pahlavī, for the internal use of their own community.
New Persian literature, like that of many other countries, begins with poetry. Phonetically and grammatically, the degree of evolution from Old Persian to Middle Persian is considerable, the differences being comparable with the differences between Latin and French, for example. The emergence of the New Persian language and literature presents considerable historical problems. In an account passed down by the Fihrist, Ibn al-Muqaffac describes the linguistic situation in Iran at the end of the Sāsānian period. The Iranians, he says in effect, have five languages, including pahlavī, darī, pārsī, suryānī, and khūzī. The emergence of Persian literature involved the elevation of a widely distributed oral language, darī, to the rank of a language of general culture. Persian poetry is indebted both to Arabic literature and to the Iranian tradition. Since Persian poetry originated in courts for the glorification of Iranian princes, lyrical poetry was the first genre to appear.