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The Ganges river system, together with the Brahmaputra further east, shaped the human geography and economic life of eastern India. In some parts of eastern Bengal the river was the only channel of communication and bulk transport of commercial goods. A notable development in the agricultural history of eastern India during our period was the growth of commercial agriculture. Though the cultivated area under cash crops remained, till the end of the period, too small appreciably to affect the peasant economy of the region as a whole, the effects of the growth were far from negligible, and its study would also indicate the factors in the decision of peasants to change over from the traditional subsistence crops to cash-crops. The growth of commercial agriculture, even where it did not lead to the emergence of a distinct export sector, necessitated a great deal of adjustment in the old organization of the small peasant economy.
On 14 August 1947 the Indian sub-continent was partitioned, and Pakistan was carved out of the north-western and north-eastern parts of British India. An account of the Pakistan economy since Independence has to begin with its initial endowment and the effects of Partition. To describe and analyse the broad trends in the economy since Independence one has to use Pakistan's national income accounts and other such available data, although the statistics may not be accurate. Between 1949-50 and 1969-70 the economy made considerable progress in industrial, commercial, and also agricultural development. In contrast to the relative stagnation during the period from Independence to 1959-60 when nothing except nascent large-scale manufacturing grew faster than population, the period from 1959-60 through 1969-70 is one of quite remarkable growth of the Pakistan economy. In the immediate post-Independence period the major portion of imports consisted of manufactured consumer goods.
By the 1920s and 1930s attempts were made to diversify the use of India's water resources, in the direction of hydro-electric power; but the interests of irrigation and the lack of demand for rural electrification militated against such developments for the most part in the agricultural provinces. To estimate the value of irrigation, the Famine Commission was required to go beyond the statements of its financial results and enquire into its general effect, no less, on the character of cultivation in the several irrigation provinces. For northern India, submissions from the governments of Punjab and the North Western Provinces were in agreement that the introduction of canal irrigation had led universally to an increase in cultivation. Unlike the great Punjab canals, the purpose of the Sarda canal system was not to reclaim a wilderness but to replace an existing small-scale pattern of irrigation by a large-scale system in the interest of economy and efficiency.
This chapter emphasizes that despite certain elements of continuity, the pre-British agrarian society and system was not quite the same as that which evolved during British rule. The continuity of the small peasant economy as the basic organization of agricultural production, and the continuities in terms of certain agrarian institutions, and of the numerical sizes of some economic groups, such as sharecroppers and agricultural labourers, concealed a significant process of change. Initially, throughout eastern India, the most decisive influence was the British policy of maximizing land revenue, which gradually lost its first potency, particularly in Bengal and Bihar, with the share of the state in the total agricultural produce eventually shrinking to insignificance. In other parts of eastern India, too, the old order could scarcely be wholly preserved, and the composition of the landed society considerably changed, mainly as a result of the growth of a land market, an altogether new development in the rural society.
At its height the Mughal empire had imposed on the greater part of the Indian sub-continent a fair measure of political unity. Historians of a later generation have equated the decline of the Mughal empire with sharp downward trends in the Indian economy, and assumed that by the mid-eighteenth century it had reached its lowest ebb. The categories used in the Mughal revenue literature in describing villages are a useful if somewhat indirect source of information on the subject for northern India. The identification of different levels of land rights in India has been hag-ridden by the confused use of terms both in the Persian and the English sources. By the mid-eighteenth century, development of market forces had made deep inroads into the subsistence character of Indian agriculture, though the producer continued to meet all his requirements of food out of his own produce.
The period 1858-1947, which covers some of the most salient developments in the financial history of India, is still highly germane to many of the contemporary concerns of the sub-continent. The chapter reviews the main monetary and financial developments in India during our period under the following headings: monetary standard and policy, origins and development of commercial banking, evolution of central banking, non-institutional finance and cooperative credit. The origins of modern banking in India go back to the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, with the establishment of the European Agency Houses of Bombay and Calcutta. These were primarily trading concerns that had branched out into banking as a sideline to facilitate the operations of their main business. In terms of the overall pattern of internal finance, the unorganized or non-institutional sector of the Indian banking and financial system may be described, conceptually, as a residual sector, usually in combination with trading and other activities.
Industrial development in India has been part of the very broad movement which had its origins in Western Europe. This chapter describes the growth of India's modern industries, the forms within which they developed and the character of the labour force that emerged. During the first half of the nineteenth century the industrialization process was taking deep hold in Britain and in other parts of the North Atlantic region but in India the new technology and novel processes had only a trifling impact. Most of what was introduced came as a product of official concern, civilian and military. The history of large-scale private factory enterprise between 1850 and the First World War is associated almost entirely with developments in three industries such as jute, cotton, and iron and steel industries. The development of the three industries reveals a great deal about the complexity of economic response on the sub-continent.
This chapter first presents quantitative statements about the south Indian economy from 1757 to 1800. Much of the economic history even of the first half of the nineteenth century is still obscure for the Madras Presidency and more so for the native states. The best one can do is to evaluate what is known about the important magnitudes such as foreign trade, population, and agricultural and industrial output, and speculate on some of the interconnections between them. There were three striking features of the Madras Presidency's foreign trade in the first half of the nineteenth century. Exports grew very fast; the pattern of exports changed sharply; and despite the large net trade surplus, bullion was exported in large amounts. One would expect an increase in agricultural output to stimulate industrial growth, not only directly in the agricultural processing industries but also by increasing the demand for agricultural producers' goods and for consumer goods.
Late in the year of Jehu's purge, it seems likely that the Assyrians first set foot on Israelite territory. From the political point of view Jehu's purge had alienated Israel's former allies, Judah and Phoenicia, many of whose nationals had perished in the slaughter, and, with a weakened internal leadership structure, Jehu was now doubly vulnerable. After Shalmaneser's campaign of 841, when Aram was invaded and Damascus besieged, the Assyrians had been otherwise preoccupied, and Hazael had enjoyed a period of respite. In the southern kingdom, Amaziah continued to reign during the first fifteen years of Jeroboam's period of sole rule. The reign of Uzziah is given relatively brief treatment in Kings, but Chronicles presents him as an active and far-sighted ruler. Level IX at Arad is probably to be dated to Uzziah's time. Under Jeroboam II and Uzziah, the territory of Israel and Judah extended once more almost as far as the boundaries of David's kingdom two centuries earlier.
By
T. B. Mitford, University of St Andrews,
Olivier Masson, Professor of Greek in the University of Paris X - Nanterres and at the Ecote Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris
Cyprus possesses in the Classical Syllabary a unique system of writing. Except for the Phoenician alphabet used by the Semitic element in the island's population, and for the Greek alphabet on certain coins and in the rare epitaphs of foreigners, the syllabary was in almost exclusive use throughout the Archaic and Classical periods. With two early exceptions (Marium, Golgi), only in the Hellenistic period do ‘digraphic’ inscriptions (with the same or a similar text in both alphabet and syllabary) occur, notably at Paphus and Soli, whose kings were among the earliest Cypriot allies of Ptolemy Soter. The syllabary, in the main or ‘Common’ variant and in the South-Western or ‘Paphian’ repertory, was the vehicle of the Cypriot dialect, the eastern branch of the Arcado-Cypriot group; in some parts of the island, especially at Amathus, the syllabary was also used for the still undeciphered ‘Eteo-Cypriot’ language. The Cypriot dialect and the syllabary are complementary, and (save for Eteo-Cypriot) they are not to be found the one without the other.
Decipherment, based on the Phoenician bilingual of Idalium (ICS no. 220) was ingeniously initiated in 1871 by George Smith, later assisted by S. Birch, and rapidly advanced by Brandis, M. Schmidt, Deecke and Siegismund. By 1876, the Bronze Tablet of Idalium (ICS no. 217; see Plates Volume), complete and very legible, with more than 1,000 signs, had received an established alphabetic text and full commentary, and it remains to this day without a rival as a source of knowledge alike of the dialect and of syllabic usage.
By the year 1000 BC, the political and economic horizons of Babylonia had narrowed considerably. This chapter focuses on the history of the period, giving first the historical background: geographical, ethnic, cultural, and institutional, and then a series of chronological narratives sketching the major phases of the era. In many ways, the Chaldaeans and other foreign tribal groups hold the key to understanding many of the Babylonian political and socioeconomic developments of this age. The relations of the tribal groups, especially Kassites, Aramaeans, and Chaldaeans, to the older Babylonian population can be sketched briefly. In the brief period of ninety years in sharp contrast to the sparse documentation from Babylonia proper, the number of inscriptions on 'Luristan bronzes' reaches its high point. The Assyrian campaigns of 814-811 left northern Babylonia humbled and leaderless. Babylonia as a nation and state did not succumb during this phase of weakness.
Greeks arrived to settle in Egypt in the reign of Psammetichus I (664–610 B.C.). For the period that follows, Herodotus found that Egyptian and non-Egyptian information could be combined (II. 147). Thanks to Greek settlers mingling with the Egyptians, knowledge was now accurate (II. 154). Significantly, no Greek pottery datable to the period between Mycenaean times and 664 B.C. has so far been found in Egypt. Egyptian trinkets, on the other hand, were reaching the Greek world in the eighth century, and a bronze Egyptian jug at Lefkandi in Euboea would seem to date back as far as the ninth. These could have arrived by way of Phoenicia or Cyprus.
Some contact then, even if indirect, there must have been in the disturbed century before Psammetichus I. The Greeks retained some recollection of the Egyptian history of this time. We have seen how the king of Ethiopia and Egypt, who must have been Shabako (c. 716–c. 702 B.C.) in 711 surrendered Yamani of Ashdod, possibly a Greek (above, p. 16). This ‘Sabakōs’ is an historical figure for Herodotus (II. 137, 139) who in the fifth century could get a fair amount of information about the 25th (Nubian or Kushite) dynasty. Shabako's enemy was the delta king Bakenrenef son of Tefnakhte (c. 720–715 ?), whom he eventually captured and burnt alive. Bakenrenef, as Bocchoris, was to figure in Greek imagination, though Herodotus does not mention him. He is celebrated as a sagacious lawgiver in the Egyptian account of Diodorus (I. 45, 65, 79, 94) which derives from earlier Greek writing – probably in large measure from Hecataeus of Abdera, c. 300 B.C.
This chapter summarizes the archaeologist's view of what happened to Greece, the quality of life and how it was affected by those diverse factors which can set a civilization on the move. When turning from agriculture to technology one can face a change in archaeological terminology, from 'Bronze Age' to 'Iron Age', which could easily suggest some form of industrial revolution resulting in that production surplus upon which the economy and population might further grow. The material conditions of life in Geometric Greece might more readily be gauged from homes than from artefacts consigned to graves and sanctuaries. In discussions of Greece in the early Iron Age allowance has repeatedly to be made for two such external stimuli Greece's own Bronze Age past and her relations with the older civilizations of the Near East. Bronze Age art was essentially foreign and the Protogeometric and Geometric Greeks had their own no less subtle and far more lasting idiom to develop.