This chapter chronicles performances of the Sinfonietta given during Janáček's lifetime, including press reviews and extracts from relevant correspondence. Except where stated otherwise, the work was given under the title Sinfonietta (or Symfonietta in Prague and Brno). Wherever possi¬ble, and to provide context, complete programmes are listed. The following performances are documented:

26 June 1926, Prague. Czech Philharmonic, Václav Talich

9 December 1926, Wiesbaden. Wiesbaden Staatskapelle, Otto Klemperer

4 March 1927, New York. New York Symphony Society, Otto Klemperer

6 March 1927, New York. New York Symphony Society, Otto Klemperer

3 April 1927, Brno. Brno National Theatre Orchestra, František Neumann

29 September 1927, Berlin. Berlin Staatskapelle, Otto Klemperer

14 October 1927, Frankfurt-am-Main. Museums-Konzert, Clemens Krauss

16 October 1927, Frankfurt-am-Main. Museums-Konzert, Clemens Krauss

18 November 1927, broadcast, Munich Radio Orchestra, Franz Adam(?)

19 December 1927, broadcast, Munich Radio Orchestra, Franz Adam(?)

15 January 1928, broadcast, Munich Radio Orchestra, Franz Adam

6 February 1928, Darmstadt. Opera orchestra, Karl Böhm

6 February 1928, Magdeburg. Walther Beck

10 February 1928, London. BBC National Symphony Concert, Henry Wood

12 February 1928, Vienna. Vienna Symphony Orchestra, Jascha Horenstein

1 March 1928, Halle. Berlin Philharmonic Orchestra, Georg Göhler

6 March 1928, Karlsruhe. Badische Landestheater Orchestra, Josef Krips

16 March 1928, Dresden. Dresden Staatskapelle, Fritz Busch

27 May 1928, Brno. Brno National Theatre Orchestra, František Neumann

10 June 1928, Cologne. Gürzenich Orchestra, Hermann Abendroth

World premiere:

26 June 1926, as Sletová symfonietta [‘Rally Sinfonietta’]

Prague, Smetana Hall. Czech Philharmonic, conducted by Václav Talich. Janáček present.

Broadcast live on Czech Radio.

The Portuguese had ruled Malacca for more than a century before the Dutch takeover in 1641 and retained a strong social presence there afterwards, as they did in the rest of the archipelago and in enclaves in India. A creole form of Portuguese remained a lingua franca of commerce in the East Indies throughout the eighteenth century, with English, according to Furber, not taking over as the dominant European commercial language until 1825. On the west coast of India there were Portuguese settlements at Goa, Demaun and Diu until the mid-twentieth century, though for much of the period 1799 to 1815 Goa was ruled by the British for fear that it might otherwise fall into French hands. While there were no major settlements on the east coast at the time of the Malacca Protests Portuguese merchant families remained in business in various places. As an example of the continuing influence of the Indo-Portuguese community in Bengal, the Portuguese Barretto (or Barreto) family (a name that crops up in the Protests) formed one of the fifteen agency houses in Calcutta, financing a substantial part of the country trade in the early 1800s.

Macao had been established as a Portuguese settlement in 1557 and continued as such during, and long after, the Dutch period of domination in the East Indies. Portuguese administration of the territory remained in place, in one form or another, until 1999. It is no surprise that many of the Portuguese ships featuring in the Malacca records belonged to the Macao privately owned merchant fleet voyaging to or from Macao, trading with Indian ports, especially Goa, ports in the archipelago and Manila.

The csardas—the famous Hungarian national music that inspired Liszt's Hungarian Rhapsodies, Brahms's Hungarian Dances, and so much more—is rarely celebrated as a distinctive local tradition in Vienna now. Why should it be? Vienna is the capital of Austria, not Hungary, and perhaps has more other music of its own to celebrate than any other city in Europe. Its cultural life has been central to the creative careers of Mozart, Haydn, Beethoven, Schubert, and Brahms, to name but a few. To be sure, there are intimations of a broad awareness of Hungarian music in the conscious representations of it by a number of Viennese composers—the most famous examples being Schubert's Divertissement, Haydn's “Rondo all’ongarese,” or Brahms's Hungarian Dances—but the very characterization of this style as exotic has the effect of othering it and keeping it at arm's length; and besides, one of the most prolific and influential exponents of what has now become known as the style hongrois, Franz Liszt, was only ever an occasional visitor to the city.

In 1866, a hiker looking from the town of Kirchschlag down over Linz and the wider Danube Plain would not have beheld the most sublime of landscapes. At least, not according to Adalbert Stifter in his late essay “Winterbriefe aus Kirchschlag” (Winter Letters from Kirchschlag, 1866): “Wir sehen an den heitersten Tagen von unserem Berge hinab über der Donau-Ebene und namentlich über Linz einen schmutzig blauen Schleier schweben, die Ausdünstung der Niederung und insbesonders die Ausdünstung der Menschen, Tiere, Schornsteine, Unratkanäle und anderer Dinge der Stadt” (Looking down from our mountain on the most cheerful days we see above the Danube plain and especially above Linz a dirty blue veil hovering, the emission of the lowland but especially the vapor of people, animals, chimneys, sewage canals, and other things of the city). Stifter, who had come to Kirchschlag believing that the mountain air would help improve his declining health, strikes an anti-urban note in the passage, as he imagines the man in the “Bergklarheit” (mountain clarity) of the hill town being overcome “mit einer Art unheimlichen Gefühles” (with a sort of uncanny feeling) when he looks down and remembers that people actually live out their lives blighted by such bad air. The city and the smog are viewed here from a distance in a scene reminiscent of Caspar David Friedrich's painting Wanderer over the Sea of Fog. But unlike Friedrich's figure beholding a sublime mountain landscape, the distance in the “Winterbriefe” is the condition for a different, but by no means unconnected experience: the uncanny, a term that Stifter does not use in an idle way. The smog produces an uncanny effect because it transgresses assumed boundaries between the natural and unnatural. That transgression is also pivotal for Freud's formulation of the uncanny.

As previously described (in “The Janitor-King of Dwinelle Hall”), I first became acquainted with Andrew Jaszi when I took his upperdivision class, “German 100: Introduction to German Literature,” during the last quarter of my senior year while an undergrad at UC Berkeley. Little did I know then where it all might ultimately lead.

That relationship took an unexpected turn midway through the course. I had decided it was about time for me to arrange to meet with my professor during his office hours. I had made it a general practice to do just that in most of my classes at some point or other. Politely hesitant as I was, especially in those days, I waited until nearly all the other students had left the classroom before approaching the front desk where he stood, slowly collecting his things. At my request to schedule an appointment, he paused for a moment, looked me squarely in the eye, and then, in that mellifluous German-Hungarian-Bela-Lugosi accent of his, replied, as if it were the most obvious thing in the world to suggest: “Vhy don't ve go out to dinnuh?” It took me a second, one brief second, to register this completely unexpected invitation, but no time at all to decide. “That’d be very nice,” I said. I had never met with a professor off campus, and even during office hours I rarely went to see any of them more than once a semester. But Andrew Jaszi was, as I had gradually been discovering, different.

In its adaptation of Tomas's poem, Sir Tristrem reorients and expands the tale's political setting to emphasize even further an abiding fact of the tradition: namely, Tristan's inability to function normally in the domestic and political setting of Mark's court, or any court. In all versions, chivalric imperatives are, from the tale's outset, rendered inimical, preparing the way for Tristan's outsider status. Sir Tristrem is especially interested in this condition. In Sir Tristrem, the political world which the poet conjures, and into which Tristrem is born, is already broken; the poet crafs his vignettes of lordship and vassalage to show that, as the Prologue says, ‘te gode ben al oway’, and (as the Prologue implies) the bad are all still here. Despite the romance elements which seem to have dominated in Tomas's version, Tristrem's experience, this chapter will argue, refects the rebellious careers witnessed in medieval French epic, and in particular the so-called epics of revolt, or rebel-gestes, which somehow found their way, and lent their rebellious example, to the Middle English poet. Given this background, it is no wonder that Tristrem, unlike his counterparts in all other romances, is equally disinclined to serve a lord or to be one.

In this respect, Sir Tristrem also stands apart from its German and Norse cognates. While Gottfried and Robert introduce their narratives as concerning the love and misfortunes of Tristan and Yseut, and in a world informed by the Arthurian example, the Tristrem-poet promises his audience not a tale of love, but one of violence, betrayal, and death: a promise soon fulflled by the story of Tristrem's father's death at the hands of his treacherous lord.

Throughout this volume, we have seen that Old English medical texts preserve evidence of the reception of Latin medical texts in pre-Conquest England, texts which do not survive in Latin manuscripts of British origin or provenance. Despite the absence of direct manuscript evidence, we can thus reconstruct a Latin corpus which must have circulated in England in the ninth century or earlier. The Latin medical corpus in question was by no means the static, sterile reproduction of barely understood ‘classical’ Latin medical texts that has often been assumed. Rather, it was a dynamic and innovative collection of texts subject to selective recompilation, combining the philosophical medicine of Galen with the practical physica attributed to Pliny. This characteristic of late antique and early medieval Latin medical compilations, which Palmer described as ‘new euporista’, is evident not only in those Merovingian and Carolingian Latin manuscripts which must have reached England, but in the Old English texts themselves. These medical texts, both in Old English and in Latin, show that vigorous intellectual networks connected the Insular and Continental worlds, from Palestine to the west of Ireland.

The existence of Old English recipe collections in multiple related versions such as the clusters of recipes shared between Bald's Leechbook, the Lacnunga, the Nowell Transcript, BL Additional MS 43703 and the Omont Fragment demonstrates that such Old English collections must have been quite widely copied as early as the ninth century.

1560.

The account of John Palmer, William Somerskaills, William Fysswick and Jarrat Alendaill,2 Churchwardens of the Parish Church of St James in Lowthe in the County of Lyncoln of all their receipts, payments and expenses from the Sunday in the Octaves of Easter in Anno 1560 to the same Sunday in Anno 1561 that is to say for one whole year.

First, received of the old churchwardens being the last year in ready money the sum of five pounds thirteen shillings and four pence – £5 13s 4d.

Item received more one chalice with a paten, six skins of parchment3 and 3 iron picks which was made of the broken bell clapper.

Item received more by the hands of Thomas Blanchard in money – 2s 8d. Item more in evil money – 20d.

Item received for old planks and other broken wood that belonged to Steueton Bridge4 – 3s.

Item received for the collection gathered by the churchwardens due for three quarters of this year – £3 14s 10½d.

Received of John Palmer for 12 rods of thorns – 5s.

Item received of Thomas Smyth, butcher for 12 rods of thorns – 5s.

f. 1v.

Item received of John North for 20 rods of thorns – 8s 4d.

Item received of William Somerskells for 15 rods of thorns – 6s 3d.

Since the last folio of Sir Tristrem is missing from the manuscript, a summary of Tomas's conclusion (lines 2323–3143) is ofered here.

Afer fghting on behalf of the Dwarf Tristran, Tristran makes his way home, now grievously wounded. Te arrow that pierced him was poisoned such that no doctor in Brittany can cure him; he declines rapidly, becoming grotesquely swollen and discolored. If anyone can cure him, Tristran knows, it is Queen Yseut. Unable to move from his bed, he sends for Caerdin, with whom he takes secret counsel. Suspicious of their closed-door meeting, Yseut of the White Hands listens outside Tristran's door while he asks Caerdin to sail (disguised as a merchant) to England, bringing a message to Queen Yseut, reminding her of the love and pleasure they shared, begging her to come to his aid, and to cure him of the poison. If Caerdin succeeds in bringing Yseut, he is instructed to raise a white sail on his return; if not, a black one. Tristran gives Caerdin a ring by which Yseut will recognize him, and Caerdin sets out. Yseut of the White Hands has heard everything, learning for the frst time of Tristran's betrayal. She disguises her anger for the present and looks for an opportunity to take her revenge.

Caerdin arrives in London outftted as a rich merchant with gifs for King Marc. On the pretext of showing his wares to the Queen, he is able to transmit Tristran's message and desperate plea. Yseut, in sorrow and anguish, consults Brengain; together they decide to return with Caerdin. Sailing out from the Tames, they soon have a good wind for Brittany.

The following ten themes have been identified concerning the Yoruba (Nigerian) Pentecostalism and child witchcraft accusations in Nigeria from a religious transnational perspective, grouped by three anchor codes related to the three principal research questions:

Factors Influencing Pentecostal Beliefs and Practices of Child Witchcraft Accusations

• 1. Yoruba (Nigerian) Pentecostal explanations for child witchcraft beliefs and Practices

• 2. Signs a child is a witch or possessed by a demon

• 3. Channels of bewitchment of children

• 4. Additional factors encouraging the continuity of witchcraft beliefs

• 5. Constructing child deliverance: Pentecostal beliefs, norms, and necessities Implicated Issues of Power, Gender-Relations, and Leadership

• 6. Instigators of child witchcraft accusations

• 7. Phases of child deliverance: the Pentecostal methodology Recontextualized Transnational Processes of Pentecostal Beliefs and Practices of Child Witchcraft

• 8. Pentecostal responses to the phenomenon of child witchcraft stigmatization

• 9. Transnational continuities and discontinuities

• 10. Reconstructing spiritual warfare across borders

The Insights or Challenges the Interviews Pose to Existing Theories

Some of the existing theories chosen are from two doctoral theses related to this study. Edmond Kesseh's “Child Witchcraft Accusations in Kinshasa, the Democratic Republic of Congo,” employing phenomenological methodology, applied critical theory and attachment theory to explore “existing child welfare public policies and assess whether lack of political will, implementation strategies, and accountability” were responsible for CWA in the city. His population sampling consisted of thirteen participants obtained through a purposeful sampling strategy, and these were government officials, NGOs, locals, and a Belgian anthropologist who is an expert on the DRC.

Through its portrayal of a technologically advanced African nation of Wakanda, Black Panther (2018) explores the complex relationships between Africa, the people of African descent (continental and in diaspora), and technology, as well as issues surrounding decolonization. The central conflict in the narrative revolves around the resistance led by Erik Killmonger, a Wakandan outcast who seeks to reclaim his heritage and use Wakanda's resources to emancipate the oppressed people of African descent around the world.

At the center of various interpretations is the question of how much or truly African Black Panther is as a genuine manifestation or, at the very least, representative of Africa, its people, cultures, realities, and futures, especially given its origin in the resistance, empowerment, and self-determination of the Civil Rights and Black Power movements of the 1960/70s in the United States. Nevertheless, Black Panther has had a significant impact on popular culture globally, generating important conversations about the intersection of technology, history, culture, and politics in Africa and beyond. An influence so huge that Wakanda is believed by many to be an actual African nation. In its most palpable manifestation, it is contributing to the actual development of Africa as evident, for example, with the creation of the futuristic Akon City in Dakar, Senegal, an ambitious project that is an attempt to bring Wakanda to realization. It is crucial to highlight that this influence is not isolated, as there have been numerous productive ideological interactions between African-Americans and Africans, encompassing movements like Pan-Africanism, Negritude, Rastafarianism, and more recently, Afrofuturism.