Oklahoma was originally set aside as a quasisovereign Indian Territory. Over the course of the nineteenth century, the earlier treaties used to establish the territory were revoked, and eventually the area came under the process of allotment. This meant that at the very end of the century, when most of the surrounding states had been settled, about one half of the territory was opened up for homesteading. Unlike the other states and territories, however, in what would become Oklahoma there were official races to make a claim. The race structure allows for unique tests of the homesteading hypothesis.

The introduction lays out the importance of critical race theory as a compelling analytical framework for historians of twentieth-century British history. It works first from an examination of everyday racism in Britain and the lack of attention to this in existing historiography, and then moves into the longer history of ‘not knowing’ racism that has characterized denials of racism in domestic twentieth-century Britain. The chapter notes critical race theory’s particular relevance for understanding Britain’s claims to racial tolerance in the twentieth century and the production of racialised screen content.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

Due to the national seclusion policy (1639–1854), the Japanese came to know Arthurian works at the end of the nineteenth century; and such sudden contact led to a peculiar reception of the legend.  This chapter investigates how Japanese people have enjoyed Arthurian works roughly in three periods: around 1900, when non-medieval European materials by Alfred Tennyson, Wilhelm Richard Wagner and Joseph Bédier were popular; during the twentieth century, when American authors such as Thomas Bulfinch and Mark Twain became influential; and in the twenty-first century, when female King Arthurs prevail because of a Japanese game series entitled Fate.  As a result, Excalibur and other Arthurian motifs are ubiquitous in Japanese pop culture these days, via games, comic books, juvenile novels and stage performances.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

William James dedicates two lectures of his Varieties of Religious Experience to what he calls “The Sick Soul.” In these lectures, William combines pragmatist insights, anecdotal commentary, and examples from literary history to explore the phenomenon of human suffering. James, I argue, stresses a hermeneutics of suffering that does not inevitably comply with the promise of an experiential openness towards understanding. Rather, he treats suffering both a source of and a challenge to such an openness, and he thus offers an understanding of suffering that is indicative of a larger discourse in philosophical thinking. In a comparative reading of James’s Varieties, Ralph Waldo Emerson’s struggle with the death of his son Waldo, and Hans-Georg Gadamer’s Truth and Method, I will discuss suffering as a way of understanding that allows us, in turn, to make suffering accessible to understanding as such. James, Emerson, and Gadamer remind us that suffering is neither self-serving nor self-sufficient. As it marks an impaired connectivity within the self and between self and world, hermeneutics of suffering expresses a failed sense of connectivity and conditions the sufferer’s reconnection with the social world. Both in reading and in writing, James, Emerson, and Gadamer recurrently turn to literary and philosophical imagination to test the limits of action and passion, of doing and enduring, to center suffering as a hermeneutic process that may be unavoidable in the human experience, but that always already entails the conditions of its own overcoming.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

This chapter engages with activist texts published by DMSC. In conversations with sex worker activists and staff members of the organisation, a reading of these texts are located at their collective organisational site in Kolkata. Through my reciprocal exchanges with the members of DMSC, I draw out the conversations which inhabit their ideas and practices of collectivisation. I show that the formation of their collective thinking emerged through sex workers’ conversations with public health practitioners and state officials in mid-1990s post-liberalisation India. These conversations informed women’s collectivisation in Kolkata as sex workers, or jouno kormi, to form mutual relations between sex workers’ lives and law. The women shaped their role and responsibility in public life as jouno kormi by forming DMSC as a registered society under state-authorised rules. In doing so, they reorganised the specific hierarchical relations of gender, class and caste experienced by sex workers in Kolkata. Mediated by such alteration of hierarchies, sex workers’ relationship to the Indian state was also altered and made distinct from the criminalised status and conditions that are accorded to sex workers by the Indian state.

In the 1970s, Tunisia’s leading sociological institution, CERES, became a space to rethink the place of culture and tradition in Tunisian society. This chapter centers on their “cultural turn”, namely how Tunisian sociologists rethought the object of tradition by returning to the field. They abandonned paradigms of modernization, and embraced cultural hybridity, through the likes of Lilia Ben Salem and her study of tourism workers, or Abdelkader Zghal’s analysis of Islamist youth. These studies exemplify a fascinating process to reappropriate colonial categories and move away from Western theoretical dependency. CERES became a laboratory of decolonization and “spoke back” most notably against the rise of anthropological theories in North Africa. By the 1980s, however, this intellectual autonomy presented a new dilemma. Amid growing calls for Arabization and the Islamization of knowledge in Tunisia, their global visibility and theoretical innovation came at the expense of their domestic standing. As such, the impact of intellectual decolonization was shaped by new features of Tunisia’s post-independence life.

Chapter 3 moves into the post-war period and the Audience Research Department in the BBC archive, examining two of its ‘special audience research reports’, on a 1952 documentary series about race relations in Africa, and a 1968 study of audience responses to the BBC’s first fictional television series focusing on a Black family, Rainbow City (1967). In doing so, the chapter examines both the department’s conception of racially innocent British audiences and its loose definition of ‘race’ on screen within its own methodologies, and its uncomfortable encounter with the existence of measurable racial prejudice among ordinary Britons in 1968.

We introduce Pi-1-1 sets and prove some of the basic key results. These include descriptive set theoretic results as Sigma-1-1-bounding and the Gandy basis theorem, together with applications to computable structure theory.

In a time of great contest and confusion over the future of democracy as a governing principle, the example of Abraham Lincoln continues to provide encouragement and direction about democracy’s viability in the face of immense challenges. In The Political Writings of Abraham Lincoln, Allen Guelzo brings into one volume Lincoln’s most famous political documents and speeches from his earliest days as a political candidate under the banner of the Whig Party, to his election and service as the first anti-slavery Republican president, from 1861 to 1865, and the nation’s leader in the fiery trial of civil war. While many anthologies of Lincoln’s political documents routinely concentrate on his presidential years or only on his anti-slavery writings, Guelzo concentrates on documents from Lincoln’s earliest political activity as an Illinois state legislator in the 1830s up through his presidency. The result is an accessible resource for students, researchers, and general readers.

This chapter presents a case study on New Zealand, examining the paradigm of giving nature legal standing within the country’s judicial and legislative framework. It begins with an introduction that sets the stage for the discussion. This chapter then explores the Māori philosophy of a relationship with nature, emphasizing the profound connection and inherent value Māori place on the environment. It delves into the ways in which New Zealand law has affirmed this philosophy, particularly through the roots of the country’s environmental achievements as anchored in the Treaty of Waitangi. The chapter then presents two case studies – the Te Urewera Land Legislation and the Whanganui River Legislation – showcasing the innovative approaches taken to grant legal personhood to natural entities. It further explores the incorporation of Māori Indigenous traditional knowledge in sustainable development practices, highlighting Māori trade and the introduction of new measures of well-being and environmental protection. The chapter concludes by emphasizing the significance of giving nature legal standing and the implications for both Māori and New Zealand’s approach to sustainable development.

This chapter critically evaluates the Market Failure Approach (MFA) to business ethics, focusing on two fundamental challenges it faces in real-world economic contexts: the theory of the second best and the ubiquity of negative externalities. While the MFA offers a simple, rule-based framework based on the concept of Pareto efficiency, we argue that its efficiency imperatives are often inapplicable or indeterminate in real-word market settings. Drawing on a neo-Aristotelian perspective, we contend that ethical formation and practical wisdom are essential for navigating these complexities. The chapter introduces eudaimonic efficiency as a more realistic and morally adequate ideal of market activity, one that emphasizes human flourishing and justice, rather than Pareto efficiency. The ideal of eudaimonic efficiency reframes the moral purpose of markets as enabling voluntary exchanges that enhance well-being without unjust harm. We show how the application of market norms inevitably requires virtues like honesty, justice, and practical wisdom, challenging the MFA’s aspiration to rule-based moral guidance. By embedding market ethics in a framework of virtue and formation, we lay the groundwork for a richer theory of market morality, developed throughout the book.