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Edited by
Liz McDonald, East London NHS Foundation Trust,Roch Cantwell, Perinatal Mental Health Service and West of Scotland Mother & Baby Unit,Ian Jones, Cardiff University
Perinatal anxiety is characterised by intense symptoms of anxiety and fear and includes affective, cognitive and behavioural components. Anxiety disorders include generalised anxiety disorder, panic disorder, specific phobias and social anxiety disorder. Obsessive compulsive disorder and post-traumatic stress disorder are also included here to remain in line with the majority of published evidence, and because of agreement that anxiety is a central characteristic of these disorders. Some level of antenatal anxiety is common but when it becomes extreme or persistent it can be associated with maternal, fetal and infant morbidity, as well as emotional and cognitive problems in children and teenagers and risk of the child developing an anxiety disorder.
This chapter provides an overview of the different anxiety and associated disorders. It focuses on issues to consider in perinatal anxiety, namely the consideration of symptoms versus disorders, normal versus pathological anxiety and pregnancy-specific versus general anxiety. The subsequent sections of the chapter focus on each of the anxiety and associated disorders in turn: their epidemiology, aetiology, presentation, course and outcomes including for the infant and family; and, finally, their management.
Andrés Bello (1781–1865) was born in Caracas, Venezuela. Early in his career he occupied various administrative positions in the government of the Captaincy General. In 1810, the newly inaugurated Junta of Caracas appointed him secretary of the commission sent to Great Britain to request support for the new government. He remained in London for nineteen years. He lived in Santiago for the remaining thirty-six years of his life, serving as government official, senator, and rector of University of Chile. He was in addition a poet, a literary critic, and a jurist. His most important works include Principios de derecho de jentes (1832), Gramática de la lengua castellana (1847), and the Civil Code of the Republic of Chile (1855). A towering intellectual figure in Spanish America, he has only recently been translated into English. The current selection concerns a specific development in Ecuador but involves a central principle of international relations where Bello took a strong position against foreign intervention, especially from emerging states that sought the political and military assistance of stronger ones. The polemical tone of the article is typical of the press debates in Chile in the 1840s.
Of humble origins and mixed race, Bernardo Monteagudo (1789–1825) was born in Tucumán, in the River Plate (Argentina today). He graduated in law from the University of Chuquisaca and soon became involved in the wars of independence against Spain, first in Upper Peru and then in Buenos Aires, where he stood out for his radical republicanism, which he originally displayed as a polemicist in newspapers. Embroiled in the internal conflicts of the revolutionary movement in the River Plate, he was forced into exile in 1815. In 1817, he joined the army of José de San Martín, which drove the Spaniards out of Lima in 1821, when Peruvian independence was declared. Monteagudo became San Martín’s right hand and was practically in charge of governing Lima while San Martín continued the fight against the royalist forces elsewhere. Monteagudo’s authoritarian rule provoked wide resentment and, following two days of riots, he was expelled from the city in 1822. Written a year later as a defence of his actions in government, his Memoir offered a systematic examination of the conditions that, in his view, made democracy unworkable in Peru.
This chapter examines the enumeration of ethnic populations in the census, where ‘the tribe question’ has been included since 1948. I trace its evolution – from its origins as self-evidently important with a self-evident list of groups – through numerous changes up to 2019. The powerful social imaginary of ‘42+ tribes’ comes from the 1969 census, despite the numerous changes since then. I show how changes in classifications over time, as well as the way they have been used and narrated by the state, reveal the multiple political purposes of classifying and counting ethnicity. In the colonial period, this centred on ethnic population distribution to support indirect rule via ethnicity, as well as tax collection and labour control. In the postcolonial period, ethnic demographic posturing for electoral purposes or ‘the tyranny of numbers’ became a major driver of interest in ‘the tribe question’. However, since 2009, the census has also been a site of recognition for minorities and of the painting of a portrait of a nation defined by its diversity. In this chapter, I also show how the quintessentially unambiguous nature of ethnic census codes has been rendered ambiguous in useful ways.
Theatrical performance engages with the material consequences of rising hot temperatures and severe bush fires as it continues to reflect changing beliefs about the weather. Verbatim theatre outlines some of the contradictions surrounding fire, which both regenerates and destroys as it conveys the gradual realisation that fire changes weather. Theatre points to how temperature-reducing tree preservation paradoxically becomes blamed for increasing the bush fire risk. The discussion foregrounds the clash of values in a liberal democratic society between the ongoing exploitation of environmental resources for economic gain and the longstanding efforts of activists and protestors to protect forests that store carbon and counteract rising temperatures. As characters and personae confront the life and death dilemmas posed by hot weather and fire including those from the social risk of arson, theatrical performance must grapple with ethical constraints surrounding the depiction of these events that cause fatalities.
Many jurisdictions around the world, which came to be known as “tax havens,” offered refuge against the high mid-century tax rates. Some individual taxpayers physically moved to these havens, which were primarily located in small, resource poor, countries whose primary source of commerce was from tourism because of their exotic locales. Corporations used techniques to shift profits to these tax haven jurisdictions while remaining based in the U.S. In either case, not only would the profits and income earned be free from tax in these jurisdictions, but because they were sourced there it would shield them from tax in the U.S. until the money was repatriated. These tax havens were portrayed in marketing materials and in the media in a way that deliberately associated the tax savings with the pristine beaches or snow-capped mountain ski resorts of the countries that hosted them, making the whole enterprise of tax dodging seem glamorous and exciting to the average taxpayer reading about them. Even though they were but a mirage for these average taxpayers, they inspired envy rather than resentment, which helped to normalize and spur interest in tax dodging among the middle class.