Although evidence shows that it is challenging to implement, many authors state that participatory management is a distinctive attribute of social enterprises. This paper presents case study research exploring how participatory management is manifest in Chile, a country where a paternalistic and autocratic management style prevails thereby constraining the adoption of more collaborative approaches. We found that a majority of the twenty social enterprises considered, despite having very different sizes, governance structure and activity sectors, involved employees and stakeholders in shared decision-making processes. Participatory management was exhibited in distinctive and diverse ways ranging from common agreement on strategic decisions through to the presentation of new proposals by members. We conclude that social enterprises in Chile differ from conventional enterprises not only in their focus on trying to solve social problems, but also in the fact that they may provide a vehicle to promote more innovative and participatory approaches to decision making.

The attitudinal antecedents of participation in political demonstrations are analyzed on the basis of a survey of 1.723 students in Göteborg, Sweden, in 1969. Highest participation rate is found in the strong left group, lowest in the strong right category (using a self-placement indicator). It is found that sudden change in basic value preference produces increased propensity to engage in political demonstrations. Students most likely to take part in demonstrations are those combining strong leftist views with high system distrust. The association between distrust and participation, however, turns out to be rather complex because of a curvilinear relationship between distrust and left–right placement. Furthermore, the strength of the link between propensity to engage in demonstrations and actual participation is a function of left–right position as well as system distrust.

This article has three main objectives. Firstly, it seeks to re–formulate the debate on technocracy in the European Union by drawing upon the concept of the EU regulatory state as developed by Majone (1996). Secondly, it illustrates the limits and tensions of a once politicised technocratic policy–making process by tracing the formulation of media ownership regulation. Although media ownership policy has been presented by the European Commission as a typical regulatory policy, it has followed a more politicised path than previous EU regulatory policies. This implies that media ownership policy does not follow the model of technocratic regulation presented by Majone in his characterisation of the EU regulatory state. Thirdly, the paper contributes to the debate on EU regulation by suggesting a new typology of regulatory policies in the EU. In the conclusion, it is argued that politicisation (which includes inefficiency and prolonged conflict) may be the price that the EU is forced to pay in its progress toward a more democratic polity.

The variation among countries when it comes to the admittance of forced migrants – refugees and asylum seekers – is substantial. This article explains part of this variation by developing and testing an institutional explanation to the admission of forced migrants; more precisely, it investigates the impact of domestic welfare state institutions on admission. Building on comparative welfare state research, it is hypothesised that comprehensive welfare state institutions will have a positive effect on the admission of forced migrants to a country. There are three features of comprehensive welfare state institutions that could steer policies towards forced migrants in a more open direction. First, these institutions have been shown to impact on the boundaries of social solidarity. Second, they enhance generalised trust. And third, they can impact on the citizens’ view of what the state should and can do in terms of protecting individuals. The argument is tested using a broad comparative dataset of patterns of forced migration, covering 17 OECD countries between 1980 and 2003. This analysis shows that comprehensive welfare state institutions have a significant positive effect on the admission of forced migrants, under control for a number of factors often highlighted in migration research.

This article examines the unique roles of NGOs with special attention to the changing socio-political contexts of NGOs in terms of their partnerships with Rights-Holder Organizations (RHOs), which claim the rights of particular groups of excluded population. It reviews an example of the NGO working with RHOs in Nepal. NGO relationships with RHOs are delicate and not always equitable due to their different backgrounds and expertise. NGOs, comprising mostly people who are not members of the rights-holding groups, use their expertise to work for others over fixed periods, whilst RHOs work for their own constituencies through movements. Until the 1990s, NGOs supported so-called ‘beneficiaries’ who were members of excluded groups whose rights were being denied. Today, RHOs are formed directly by excluded groups. Some NGOs are trying to change their role to become promoters for RHOs, whilst others remain as their proxies, which merely creates an extra layer between RHOs and donors. The article attempts to prove that building equitable relationships between NGOs and RHOs is possible if NGOs have professionalism, expertise in capacity development and a readiness to become more inclusive. Though there are still several challenges ahead, such efforts by NGOs make it possible to change funding flows for RHOs and contribute to inclusive aid.

Corporatism is a method to pacify intense minorities by giving them another opportunity to influence politics when they have no chance in parliament. This possibility helps to keep the system together; minorities get an incentive to stick to the system and social integration is promoted. During the 1980s we have, however, witnessed a gradual decline of this neocorporatist model of interest representation. Europe is approaching the American pluralist model instead. Sweden, once the prototype of the Social Democratic Corporatist State, is the best example of this change.

In recent years, Chinese foundations have become increasingly involved in overseas charitable activities. This paper first describes the current status of Chinese foundations’ involvement in overseas charitable activities, including the development stage, the extent of participation, and the scale and scope of donations. Next, the paper analyzes the factors that impact Chinese foundations’ overseas donations. The study finds that fund size and the secretary general’s age and gender have no significant impact on overseas donations. However, factors such as the frequency of exchanges between foundations and foreign non-governmental organizations, the number of full-time employees in the foundations, and the number of years of education of the secretary general affect the amount of foundations’ overseas donations to various extents. Finally, policy recommendations are presented to promote Chinese foundations’ overseas charitable activities.

In the midst of the great recession, the Spanish Socialists Worker’s Party (PSOE) lost the Government and experienced a process of instability while trying to reconnect with its electorate. The party’s strategic response was embracing highly inclusive deliberations on both key institutional and policy issues that eventually sparked tensions and division. These internal debates led to the introduction and implementation of other democratic innovations, such as direct votes and consultations that substantially transformed key features of the PSOE’s organizational model. The article discusses the main features and problems of such deliberations and democratic innovations, and their wider consequences.

Non-profit organizations (NPO) for mental health are becoming significant actors. Here, their roles in welfare society as understood in research are identified and analyzed. Results from recent research publications on the mental health field are synthesized and categorized in order to find out their origin, theoretical orientation, and view on mental health NPO’s in relation to the public welfare systems. Relevant publications are primarily from the US, empirically oriented, and addressing surveys on both individual and organizational level. NPOs were most often seen as consensus-oriented service organizations, while very few (4%) were seen as conflict-oriented advocates (i.e., anti-professional). It is concluded that these NPOs are most often studied as complements or alternatives to existing public welfare services rather than on their own terms, and that research on the topic lacks more complex theoretical attempts.

Dissatisfied with traditional grading, we developed a grading system to directly assess whether students have mastered course material. We identified the set of skills students need to master in a course and provided multiple opportunities for students to demonstrate mastery of each skill. We describe in detail how we implemented the system for two undergraduate courses, Introductory Phonetics and Phonology I. Our goals were to decrease student stress, increase student learning and make students' study efforts more effective, increase students' metacognitive awareness, promote a growth mindset, encourage students to aim for mastery rather than partial credit, be fairer to students facing structural and institutional disadvantages, reduce our time spent on grading, and facilitate complying with new accreditation requirements. Our own reflections and student feedback indicate that many of these goals were met.

This paper takes an initial step toward a better understanding of the complex set of pressing problems that need to be addressed by the Eastern European nonprofit sectors and their supporters in the near future. It gives an overview of the main challenges and claims that different nonprofit sectors of the region are at different crossroads. It identifies a general policy crisis that is fueled by the lack of a comprehensive knowledge of the sector and clear political intentions of cooperating with it. In addition, the dependence on foreign funding may result in a sustainability crisis in several Eastern European countries. In the most developed part of the region, the main elements of the present crisis are the fiscal, economic, effectiveness, identity, and legitimacy problems, which have something in common with the challenges facing the much more mature nonprofit sectors of the developed world.

Organizational capacity is often discussed among nonprofit practitioners and scholars. Yet, empirical research employing a multidimensional capacity framework remains scarce in the nonprofit literature (Andersson et al. in VOLUNTAS Int J Volunt Nonprofit Organ 27(6):2860–2888, 2016). Using a qualitative research approach, we explored capacity in a specific segment of youth development nonprofits—sport for development and peace (SDP). We were guided by three research questions: (1) what are critical capacity elements of SDP nonprofits? (2) how do these capacity elements influence the ability of SDP nonprofits to achieve their desired goals and objectives? and (3) what are the capacity needs of SDP nonprofits in the USA? Findings from in-depth interviews with leaders of 29 organizations contribute to the development of theory on nonprofit capacity by providing a more nuanced understanding of capacity strengths and challenges related to broader nonprofit goal achievement. For example, paid staff, revenue generation, and internal infrastructure emerged as critically more important for capacity in this context. Practical and theoretical implications are further discussed.

This article argues for inductive exploration of mass–elite differences in new democracies. Grounded in the “delegate model” of political representation, I do this by studying issue positions and issue salience of masses before turning to elites. The article demonstrates this approach using Tunisia, the only Arab democracy, by analysing survey data and originally coded party manifesto data. From an issue position perspective, the article uncovers mass–elite incongruence on the democratic–authoritarian and secular–Islamist political dimensions. From an issue salience lens, there is mass–elite congruence on the economic dimension. How mass–elite incongruence unfolds might affect the future of democracy in Tunisia.

In this paper, we analyse the emergence and development of social enterprise in South Korea. Our purpose is to show how different broad, consensual and successive conceptions of social enterprise—the so-called meta-models—have generated a dynamic and complex environment which includes a variety of models of social enterprise. Based on multiple data sources, including interviews, documents, statistics and field research, we illustrate the diversity of Korean social enterprise models by using the EMES ideal-type as a conceptual framework that leads us to analyse the social, economic and governance dimensions of each type of social enterprise. This research suggests that the social enterprise phenomenon should not be limited to its expressed contents or to an excessively strict legal or economic definition. It eventually contributes to advancing our understanding on social enterprise by showing that the definitions and concepts of social enterprise can be diverse across different social, economic and political contexts. For this reason, building a universal typology that can embrace social enterprises in different national contexts is by far a challenging task.

We present a number of concepts and hypotheses concerning the impact of the political opportunity structure on the mobilisation pattern of new social movements in Western Europe. The hypotheses refer to the general level of mobilisation in a given country, the general forms and strategies of action employed, the system level at which mobilisation is typically oriented and the development of the level of mobilisation across time. The hypotheses are tested in a comparative analysis of France, Germany, the Netherlands and Switzerland. The analysis reveals country-specific variations in the mobilisation patterns of new social movements, which are largely in line with the theoretical expectations and serve to confirm the relevance of the political process approach for the study of social movements.