Democracy is the most ambitious political project of the twentieth century, and the study of democracy has been one of the major preoccupations of modern political scientists. Stein Rokkan’s main concern was with the development of democratic mass politics in Europe. On this score, he found many lessons in the Norwegian experience. To Rokkan and to many other political scientists, a critical aspect of democracy was representation, the people’s ability freely to select representatives from their own ranks who would faithfully stand up for their interests. Before the advent of mass democracy, during the stage Robert Dahl (1971) calls competitive oligarchy, parliaments did not always represent all the people. Granting all adult citizens the freedom and authority to select these representatives was a precondition for the more inclusive democracy we now often take for granted. And when well-defined groups with distinctive interests suddenly became enfranchised, as did millions of European men and women during the first half of this century, the election of representatives who shared their most salient characteristics was a dramatic advance.

The development and viability of the non-governmental organization (NGO) sector varies across the post-communist world. We explore the impact of corruption on NGO sustainability—the overall enabling environment and activities of the NGO sector—in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union from 1998 to 2007. To test hypotheses about the relationship between corruption and NGO sustainability, we employ time-series cross-sectional analyses of 27 post-communist states, controlling for domestic factors such as economic development, government expenditure, and democracy, and international factors such as levels of trade, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid, as well as a country’s status vis-à-vis the European Union. We conclude that corruption is consistently and strongly associated with lower levels of NGO sustainability. In particular, our analyses suggest that corruption is likely to degrade the legal environment and fiscal viability of the NGO sector greater than other aspects related to NGO activities such as advocacy or organizational capacity.

Volunteering motivation has been studied from many perspectives during the last few decades. These studies have increased our understanding on the individual, dynamic, and reflexive nature of volunteering. Moreover, research that combines volunteering with the concept of identity or role identity has deepened this understanding. Nevertheless, the ways individual volunteers experience and associate volunteering with their personal identities has been little studied. Values can provide an empirical window into the core of personal identity. Identity, values, and volunteering are combined in the approach used in this study, which introduces the theoretical viewpoints of narrative identity and value identity. The analyses of 24 life course interviews demonstrated volunteering can be used in identity work for expressing the core values of individuals. The results also indicate the variety and range of values, which can be associated with volunteering.

The Unión de Centro Democrutico (UCD), the principal right-wing party of Spain, was formed as an electoral coalition shortly before the first democratic elections of June, 1977. Its initial nucleus was, however, constituted four years earlier by a group of people of a Christian Democratic persuasion, who between 1973 and 1976 published a series of articles under the pseudonym Tàcito in the Madrid journal, Ya. The Partido Popular, the axis around which the Centro was to establish itself, was born from the Técito group.

This article reports the results of a small-scale research project on the role of a virtual learning environment (VLE) in the teaching of political concepts and reasoning in the fourth year of a Scottish honours degree programme. It suggests that here the kind of dynamic facilitated by traditional face-to-face seminar discussions is very important, but not easy to recreate in the VLE. Nonetheless, students find at least significant complementary learning opportunities in the VLE. Where possible, a combination of formats seems appropriate.

Individual languages in the Mayan family display either rigid VSO or alternating VOS/VSO word orders (England 1991). In this article we review problems with previous accounts of Mayan word order and argue that verb-initial (V1) order is consistently derived by head movement of the verb to a position above the subject and below Infl0, which accounts for uniformity in verb-stem formation across the family. After an in-depth examination of the factors that have been reported to determine postverbal argument order, we present three distinct paths to VOS: (i) postsyntactic reordering of NP objects (following Clemens 2014, 2017), (ii) right-side subject topicalization (Can Pixabaj 2004, Curiel 2007), and (iii) heavy-NP shift (Larsen 1988). This account makes testable predictions in the domains of word order and prosodic constituency and has implications for the derivation of verb-initial order crosslinguistically.

Liberal international relations theory posits that the behaviour of states is affected both by domestic interests and other states with which they are linked in significant patterns of interdependence. This article examines the relevance of this proposition to states' behaviour in the most powerful institution in the furthest reaching example of regional integration in the world today: the Council of the European Union. Compared to previous research, more detailed evidence is analysed in this article on the substance of the political debates that preceded Council votes. It is found that states' disagreement with both discretionary and nondiscretionary decision outcomes affects the likelihood that they dissent at the voting stage. Moreover, in line with the theory posited here, the behaviour of states' significant trading partners has a particularly marked effect on the likelihood that they will dissent.

This article uses Liberia’s national mental health program to explore how stakeholders make meaning of their work and how those meanings intertwine with various powers to shape program outcomes. We use interview data to analyze how the Carter Center (an INGO), Liberian government, and local mental health practitioners understood the program to address this stigmatized, often-ignored health issue. INGO officials emphasized personal connections, virtuous actions, and expertise in meaning-making, ideas intertwined with network, moral, and epistemic powers. Liberian government officials understood the program to be government directed but financially unaffordable, illustrating the government’s institutional authority but low economic power. Mental health clinicians perceived the program as a virtuous opportunity to gain expertise and economic advancement, although they used the power to exit when these aspirations were unrealized. This article illustrates that meaning-making cannot be divorced from actors’ various powers and that stakeholders’ failure to align meanings can undermine program outcomes.

Next to attracting new financial donors, the need to forge first-time donors’ willingness to continue donating is a critical concern for charitable organizations. This study examined the differences in repeat donation intention (REPDON) of Dutch and American donors and the factors influencing such intention. Results showed that REPDON is significantly higher among American than among Dutch respondents. Furthermore, REPDON among Dutch and America donors depends on their affinity with the cause of the charitable organization. Trust in the charitable organization is only relevant for Dutch respondents, while for American donors belief in the efficacy of their contribution predicts their intention to continue donating. Although a moral obligation to donate is known to influence first time donation, the variable was not found to affect REPDON in both countries.

Aspects of industrial relations and internal co-ordination have been a major topic of empirical research in the German business enterprise sector. In contrast, there are practically no empirical investigations into labour-management relations in third sector institutions. The largest share of this sector in Germany is represented by the two Christian churches with presently about 900,000 employees. According to the notion of church officials, labour-management relations in these institutions are characterised by a specific normative concept which emphasises a trustful co-operation of all employees in the mission of the church. The major concern of our research project focused on the question whether the specific conditions of employment within church institutions favour more hierarchical or more co-operative forms of co-ordination and how employees and employee representatives perceive the ‘ideal of the community of service’ (Dienstgemeinschaftsgedanke). The results of our research lead to the conclusion that church labour-management relations are characterised by a remarkable contrast between the participative or co-operative notion of the ideal of the ‘community of service’ and present forms of hierarchical co-ordination inside church institutions.

Ross (1967) observed that the coordinate structure constraint can be violated in certain semantically asymmetric structures. In this article we consider one of these structures, namely type A coordination, in detail (the terminology is from Lakoff 1986; an example is Here's the whisky I went to the store and bought). We present experimental evidence showing that the pattern of argument and adjunct extraction from type A coordinate structures matches the pattern of argument and adjunct extraction from structures containing rationale clauses in all crucial respects. This near-perfect parallel behavior suggests that, like rationale clauses, the second conjunct in a type A coordination is an adjunct (see also Brown 2017). We explore the consequences of this finding for both interpretive and syntactic analyses of asymmetric coordination.

This article provides an empirical test of an informational model of lobbying. The model predicts when lobbyists provide useful information to policy makers and when policy makers follow lobbyists' advice. The predictions are assessed against data on the policy positions and lobbying activities of firms and other organised groups in the context of 28 policy proposals advanced by United Kingdom governments between 2001 and 2007. The results suggest that the interactions between policy makers and lobbyists are driven mainly by the expected policy costs for policy makers, providing lobbyists with strong incentives to provide correct advice to policy makers. There is little support for the expectation that lobbyists can successfully persuade policy makers to take a course of action that is beneficial to the lobbyist at the expense of wider constituencies.

Deliberative democrats enjoin participants in ideal speech situations never to lie. But game theorists show that people can have purely truth-based motives for strategically misrepresenting information they hold privately when they are deliberating with others. If deliberative democrats want to ensure that every participant in the deliberation fully and truthfully reveals to one another all private information that they hold, that sets some stringent requirements for the nature of the group that deliberates together.

By looking at political thought in historical periods that mirror our own, we can discern patterns of thought which clairvoyantly recognise the new and fearfully retreat to established patterns of thought. Sixteenth-century thought confronts us with the search for newly emerging political orders. Focusing on four thinkers, this paper explicates the emerging pattern. It reflects on the contemporary relevance of sixteenth-century thought and the relevance of the history of ideas.