This study applies a hierarchical clustering approach to identify social enterprise models that have appeared in a setting of public sector-led incubation. Within such a context, a high degree of conformity ought to be apparent due to the coercive isomorphic pressures associated with public sector patronage. We nominate South Korea for our analysis, given that the rising number of social enterprises in the country is closely related to a regulatory intervention. Based on an analysis of 468 social enterprises, we find, contrary to expectations, that distinct clusters of government-certified social enterprises have emerged, namely social utility niche, job outsourcing, market opportunity, and integrated balanced models. We typologize these models according to their strategic orientation, mission focus, and institutional alignment. In doing so, we contribute to social enterprise research by illustrating how organizational pluralism may manifest when the growth of a population of social enterprises is directly linked to public sector intervention and regulation.

The conventional wisdom regarding the diachronic process whereby phonetic phenomena become phonologized appears to be the ‘error accumulation’ model, so called by Baker, Archangeli, and Mielke (2011). Under this model, biases in the phonetic context result in production or perception errors, which are misapprehended by listeners as target productions, and over time accumulate into new target productions. In this article, I explore the predictions of the hypocorrection model for one phonetic change (prevoiceless /ay/-raising) in detail. I argue that properties of the phonetic context underpredict and mischaracterize the contextual conditioning on this phonetic change. Rather, it appears that categorical, phonological conditioning is present from the very onset of this change.

This article reports on a starter exercise that trains beginner interview skills without overloading a course with a single project. The exercise is a response to three developments: first, interviewing skills are undertaught in most political science programmes; second, productive elements of online teaching ought to be integrated in campus-based courses; and, third, experiential learning is possible in virtual spaces. Students are exposed to interviews as a methodology through a lower pressure experience. Replacing two classes, students take part in a series of short, student-led but instructor-organised structured group interviews with practitioners. Students then progress to develop their own independent interviewing skills, including identifying informants, in later courses. Survey data collected from students suggest that applying course concepts was one of the top learning outcomes. Surveys and focus groups also illustrate that the exercise made students see an issue differently and they intend to continue learning about the subject armed with new information. This teaching format is practical for a wide range of themes in political science where experts can be interviewed and students will leave such courses with a question-oriented analytical approach, better equipped to interpret answers, and ready to more extensively engage with interviews in their lives.

This paper examines the impact that one feature of a country's institutional context ‐ the party system ‐ has on public support for governing parties in two West European democracies, Germany and Great Britain. Specifically, it argues that models of government popularity need to take politics and institutions into account, and need to do so in a systematic fashion. Using measures of party system fractionalization and public opinion data spanning the period from 1960 to 1990, the paper demonstrates that the effects of economic conditions on government support are mediated by the choices available to citizens to express discontent with the ruling party. The greater the effective number of parties in a system, the stronger the effects of macro‐economic performance on support for the government.

The COVID-19 crisis and countries’ reactions led to analyses about how governance systems influenced the management of the pandemic and how COVID-19 influenced businesses. The concept of institutional resilience transcends these directions of research, but we know little about what it means and how to measure it. This paper proposes an innovative framework to conceptualize and assess institutional resilience based on three organisational traits: preparedness, agility and robustness. This approach provides the opportunity to sequence actions before, during and after the pandemic. This framework will be applied through various cases studies in Europe in the contributions to this symposium.

Although left-right scales are an inherent feature of much crossnational research, they have necessarily been created on a somewhat ad hoc basis, since the empirical foundation for valid cross-national scales rarely exists. This paper seeks to provide such a foundation by using judgements of party ideological position which are both explicit and non-idiosyncratic across a wide range of countries. These judgements derive from a so-called ‘expert’ survey of leading political scientists in Western Europe, the USA, and elsewhere. It is our hope that the scales which we derive in this way may prove useful in a wide variety of contexts of comparative research.

Legislators are political actors whose main goal is to get re‐elected. They use their legislative repertoire to help them cater to the interests of their principals. It is argued in this article that we need to move beyond treating electoral systems as monolithic entities, as if all legislators operating under the same set of macro‐rules shared the same set of incentives. Rather, we need to account for within‐system variation – namely, candidate selection rules and individual electoral vulnerability. Using a most different systems design, Germany, Ireland and Portugal are leveraged with both cross‐system and within‐system variation. An original dataset of 345,000 parliamentary questions is used. Findings show that candidate selection rules blur canonical electoral system boundaries. Electoral vulnerability has a similar effect in closed‐list and mixed systems, but not in preferential voting settings.

Aging in the twenty-first century presents a multifaceted global challenge, demanding subtle understanding for effective solutions. Shifting from merely extending life expectancy, active aging seeks to enrich the quality of later life, aiming to boost the well-being and life satisfaction of older individuals. As demographic and familial structures evolve, the involvement of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in aging affairs emerges as a pivotal force within civil society. These NGOs, operating across diverse countries and regions, undertake a spectrum of activities. Such activities bring considerable benefits to both physical and mental health of older individuals. Through a meticulous review of 31 studies from Web of Science (WOS) and Scopus databases, this study delves into the multifaceted roles of NGOs in promoting active aging. It uncovers three primary contributions: care services, lifelong learning, and volunteer engagement. Furthermore, this research critically examines the status and challenges faced by NGOs in advancing active aging principles, probing their impact on the life satisfaction of older adults. By elucidating these insights, this study offers collaborative pathways for future social policy enhancements in aging.

Results from previous research suggest that terrorist attacks lead to relatively short‐term increases in trust in institutions. The explanation for this increase is known as the ‘rally effect’, whereby individuals respond to crises and threats with more positive support for political leaders and institutions. Even though the number of related natural experiments with survey data is increasing, these studies merely represent case studies of single incidents with limited external validity. To advance quasi‐experimental research on the effects of terrorist attacks on institutional trust, we propose a new methodological approach by assessing all jihadist terrorist attacks resulting in at least one civilian death in a European country that take place during the fieldwork of the European Social Survey and combining the results of eight unique natural experiments in five different countries using meta‐analytic and meta‐regression techniques. The results of this ‘multi‐site natural experiment’ indicate that support for the rally‐hypothesis is mixed at best. While some attacks appear to significantly increase at least some measures of institutional trust (e.g., The Netherlands 2004, France 2015, Israel 2012), others seem to have no effect at all (e.g., Germany 2015, France 2018), or even substantially decrease trust in domestic political institutions (Russia 2012). Summary effects from multilevel meta‐analyses are non‐significant for any institutional trust outcome. These results are robust to a large number of robustness tests and alternative specifications. In comparison with previous research, it appears that a lot of the European evidence for the rally‐hypothesis was based on ‘outlier’ case studies like the Charlie Hebdo attack in France, 2015. Accordingly, our results cast doubt on the unrestricted generalisability of rally effects after terrorist attacks to different geographic, political, social or historical contexts.

Ageing is shaped by biological and cultural narratives that influence perceptions of older adults’ wellbeing. Dominant narratives often reinforce ageist stereotypes, equating older adults with frailty and dependency. This study explores how artificial intelligence (AI) art could shape cultural narratives of ageing through a case study of Auntieverse, an AI art project featuring Singaporean auntie figures. Addressing the gap in understanding AI-generated imagery’s sociocultural impact, this study moves beyond existing discourses that focus on therapeutic benefits or technical aspects of AI to explore the shaping of perceptions of ageing. Through a tripartite qualitative design – visual analysis of 40 AI artworks, semi-structured interviews with the artist, and audience interviews with five Singaporean women (aged 20s–60s) – we critically analyse the meaning-making process of ageing by exploring AI-generated artefacts, artistic intention and audience reception. Findings reveal that while Auntieverse seeks to challenge ageist stereotypes by depicting female older adults as autonomous and vibrant, it also highlights the inherent biases embedded in AI aesthetics and the interpretive gap between artistic intent and audience perception. This study positions AI art as a medium for generating new cultural representations of ageing and advocates for a more critical and deliberate engagement with AI’s influence on cultural storytelling. Three central themes emerged for discussion: ‘Re-seeing age identity’, ‘Re-thinking the ageing body’ and ‘RepAInting successful ageing’. While acknowledging the limitations of AI-generated imagery, this study emphasizes the potential of AI art to reshape sociocultural understandings of ageing.

The Internet offers an unparalleled opportunity to use film for instruction in political science. Compared to other means of delivering film to students, the Internet is particularly flexible and convenient. This article discusses some of the more technical aspects of using film in various teaching contexts, including distance learning.

The objective of this paper is to analyze the historical roots and contribution to human development of civil society organizations in marginalized communities based on fieldwork undertaken in seven informal settlements of the City of Buenos Aires, Argentina. The paper provides evidence of a dense network of organizations whose principal function is the provision of social services, especially food assistance, through a complementary relationship with the state. The current effectiveness of the settlements’ representative organizations—the principal vehicles through which community members voice their collective demands—is limited by a mix of factors intimately related to civil society–state relations, including irregularities in election processes, conflicts between organizations, and lack of transparency in the allocation of public resources. The paper concludes that true empowerment of these communities to act as a unified force for change requires the strengthening of neighborhood organizations and greater government openness to civil society participation in public decision-making processes.

This article takes up some crucial problems raised in the contributions to this issue and discusses them theoretically in order to show some avenues for further research. The article reconsiders the impact of a high political-economic interdependence on policy-making and suggests some new questions for public policy analysis. More specifically, the importance of structural arrangements and of the complex relationship between structural arrangements, types of policies and policy-outcomes is stressed. Finally, some avenues for further research are outlined.

In the ongoing debates on migration, the subjectivities of migrants are often relegated to the background. Although critical research in refugee studies and forced migration puts a great emphasis on the unheard voices of migrants. This article strays momentarily from the focus on migrants subjectivities to interrogate the background of these voices, that is, the space that surrounds their narratives. Based on field observations conducted in two initial reception centers for asylum seekers in Germany, this article draws on Deleuze and Guattari’s geographic philosophy to explore the spatiality and temporality of these facilities. This article argues that these reception centers capture asylum seekers’ journey narratives through their reterritorialization, and thereby deletes their agency all the while they provide safety.

Promoting renewable energy sources (RES) has been addressed a key strategy for mitigating climate change, the governing in which has turned out a challenging and protracted task for the EU. There is often an implicit assumption that concern for climate change drives energy policy, but a closer look at the development of European RES policy indicates how EU governors have had to confront a range of governance dilemmas in trying to balance various objectives and conflicting interests. Therefore, while energy security and environmental concerns have provided a rationale for crafting renewable energy as a specific EU policy domain, the main driver for RES policy coordination has been internal market concerns, and not the concern about an impending climate catastrophe. More recently, rising concerns about energy insecurity and climate change have forced the EU to seek greater policy coordination in the context of more integrated energy markets. Although seemingly propitious for further harmonisation, it is doubtful whether the Member States and their citizens are yet prepared to accept new efforts towards deeper integration of European energy policy.

Economic prosperity is the best recipe for an incumbent government to be re‐elected. However, the financial crisis was significantly more consequential for governing parties in young rather than in established democracies. This article introduces the age of democracy as a contextual explanation which moderates the degree to which citizens vote retrospectively. It shows a curvilinear effect of the age of democracy on retrospective economic voting. In a first stage after the transition to democracy, reform governments suffer from a general anti‐incumbency effect, unrelated to economic performance. In a second step, citizens in young democracies relate the legitimacy of democratic actors to their economic performance rather than to procedural rules, and connect economic outcomes closely to incumbent support. As democracies mature, actors profit from a reservoir of legitimacy, and retrospective voting declines. Empirically, these hypotheses are corroborated by data on vote change and economic performance in 59 democracies worldwide, over 25 years.

This article traces the evolution of factions (the term preferred to that of ‘fraction’) within the French Socialist party (PS) from the early twentieth century until 1981, with special reference to the post-1971 PS as a party of opposition. It concentrates on the causes and structures of factions, as well as their location in relation to the wider political system and the degree of political space they were able to occupy within the party. It argues that factions were divided by personal rivalries (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic), ideological and party policy differences, party strategy, power rivalries within the organisation and different historical origins. Factions corresponded more or less to a series of ideal-types. These were the organisation faction, whose power stemmed from its position within the party organisation; the parallel faction, whose separate factional structures paralled official party ones, and the external faction, which attempted to transform external popularity into internal party strength. Four factions prevailed: Mitterrand, Mauroy, CERES and Rocard. Those headed by presidentiables enjoyed the most success, whereas the others gradually declined. The presidentialism of the French regime set the PS apart from its European counterparts.