This article is concerned with the distribution of contracted auxiliaries in English, in particular the restriction against their occurrence in the immediate context of a gap created by movement or ellipsis. We document apparent exceptions to this restriction in varieties of Scots, all occurring in what we call the locative discovery expression. We analyze these as mirative constructions, and using new data from the Scots Syntax Atlas, we describe patterns of variation in the acceptance of auxiliary contractions in locative discovery expressions that provide clues as to the role of syntax in conditioning auxiliary contraction. Adapting the proposal in Wilder 1997, where contracted auxiliaries are prosodically incorporated into the following predicate, we provide an account in which the differences across dialects with respect to contraction are explained in terms of the availability of different abstract structures.

The paper analyzes coalition formation in Dutch municipalities. After discussing the main features of the institutional setting, several theories are discussed, which are classified as size oriented, policy oriented and actor oriented models. A test statistic is proposed to determine the predictive power of these models. The empirical analysis shows that strategic positions as well as some of the distinguished preferences are important in the setting of Dutch municipalities. Especially, the dominant minimum number principle yields highly significant results for coalition formations in the period 1978–1986.

This article argues that several biblical texts, including some previously unrecognized ones, impelled the foundational apologetic argument of the first letter to Autolycus by Theophilus, the second-century bishop of Antioch. I focus here not only on biblical passages in Theophilus’s mental and social worlds that he may have consciously used and that appear in biblical indices in modern editions of Ad Autolycum, but also on previously unrecognized ones which, nonetheless, leave subtle traces, and which Theophilus may even have used unconsciously. To uncover the “literary echoes” of these passages, I exploit Hollander’s intertextual approach. This study can show how a sensitivity to literary echoes can produce deeper understanding of the formation of the strategy of Theophilus’s first apologetic letter, of his conformity to ancient ideals regarding the creative use of a classic corpus, and of functions of Scripture in his largely oral second-century community and in early Christianity more broadly.

This study examines whether volunteering for not-for-profit Organizations (NPOs) which are involved in providing social welfare services and which actively promote sociobehavioral factors like social responsibility, leadership, and self-confidence among its volunteers, reduces an individual’s likelihood of engaging in corrupt practices. We identify two psychological traits: propensity to rationalize (as evidenced by self-deception) and an external locus of control (as compared to an internal LOC) that facilitate unethical behavior. With the help of volunteers from two NPOs, we investigate whether engaging in social welfare activities organized by such NPOs would create awareness about the adverse consequences of corruption faced by large segments of the society, which in turn would make it difficult to rationalize unethical and corrupt acts. Additionally, most NPOs actively strive to develop self-confidence and leadership skills among its volunteers. Prior literature indicates that individuals possessing such qualities are more likely to have an internal LOC and also that individuals possessing an internal LOC are less likely to act in a corrupt manner. The overall results indicate that greater experience with such NPOs leads to a significant reduction in propensity to rationalize and leads to a higher likelihood of having an internal LOC.

This study decomposes nonprofit–government relationship into two dimensions, process and structure, and examines their contingent impacts on Chinese environmental nongovernmental organizations’ (eNGOs) revenue diversification, advocacy engagement, and advocacy effectiveness. Data from a nation-wide survey of 89 eNGOs and in-depth interviews with eNGO leaders are analyzed. Empirical findings show that in China, participating in government-organized activities enables eNGOs to diversify their revenue sources and engage more in policy advocacy. Furthermore, government intervention and restrictive policy context motivate, rather than suppress eNGOs’ advocacy engagement. Resorting to flexible strategies, eNGOs have managed to mitigate influences of government’s meddling and persist in advocating for a political environment that they prefer. Yet meanwhile, eNGOs’ advocacy activities are more likely to be effective in a more supportive policy context.

A lively debate about the contours of contemporary political science in Europe unfolded in the initial issues of European Political Science among a group of scholars who represent the diversity of the study of politics in Europe today. At the core of the discussion was whether political science in Europe is developing into a strong and autonomous discipline. Missing from the debate was any significant treatment of the contributions of feminist scholarship to the state of the discipline in Europe, past, present, or future. Brief remarks from Sapiro and Siim, both experts of gender and politics, do clearly indicate that ‘political research on gender’ (Siim, 2001) is a part of European political science, and constitutes one ‘of the particular strengths of global intellectual leadership already exerted from Europe’ (Sapiro, 2001); however, the general frame of the debate failed to give credit to a new area of European political science, Feminist Comparative Policy (FCP).

In the current transitional period in Central Europe two issues have been commonly regarded as outstanding: the democratization of national political systems and the transformation of national economies into capitalist ones. However, in the long run, the reintroduction of local self-government may be even more decisive when it comes to the stabilization of the post-socialist societies. Firstly arguing that local self-government is a crucial link between state and civil society, the paper goes on to review the local government system during socialism. This is followed by overviews of attempts to change this system in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. A number of hopes and fears associated with this development are highlighted, then the concluding section discusses the gains to be made for comparative political research by considering the local governments of Central Europe.

Can small scholarly communities, such as the Swedish political science community, survive in an academic world often said to be dominated not only by American research but also by American concerns? Does the political science profession in Sweden, a small country with a rather odd (!) language, few political science departments, and few members of the national political science association, have a unique independent Swedish identity - or is current Swedish political science a product of international - mostly American - influences? And how have these patterns of influence varied over time? Recently, a Swedish Research Council report claimed that political science in Sweden was heavily influenced by the alleged American hegemony within the discipline (Hydén, et al, 2002: 15). The report did not, however, produce any data on the extent to which the Swedish political science community is influenced by research from the US or other parts of the world.

How does a state govern civil society organizations (CSOs) under the framework of a developmental state? This article theorizes state-CSO relations by examining control and autonomy strategies employed by both the state and civil society actors within the framework of the developmental state. The article examines the case of a specific collaborative project that involves both state and non-state actors in the Amhara region, North Shewa zone of Ethiopia. Findings suggest that the state agencies apply cross-purpose strategies simultaneously repressing and/or co-opting organizations. The nature and applicability of the developmental state generate their own dilemma on the part of CSOs and induce them to develop autonomy strategies that are used in sustaining their interaction with state agencies.

Despite the notable successes of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activism in the region, individual European countries have varied considerably in the extent and speed with which they have adopted legislation to recognise the rights of their LGBTI citizens. Scholars have often turned to modernisation theory to explain these variable outcomes and argue that high levels of national wealth are an important factor in the success of LGBTI movements. Although the correlation between modernity, economic development and tolerance of LGBTI lifestyles is often treated as a truism in the literature, scholars have paid less attention to the precise mechanisms by which the complex processes associated with modernisation facilitate policy change. Drawing on the classic works of both modernisation theory and gay and lesbian history, we examine a less explored route by which modernisation leads to the expansion of LGBTI rights. Specifically, we posit that urbanisation facilitates the adoption of rights policies by strengthening LGBTI movements and enhancing their political effectiveness. To test this proposition, we use event history analysis and an original dataset that contains measures for institutional, cultural, economic and movement variables, as well as measures of urbanisation in 44 European countries between 1980 and 2015. Our findings support the contention that urbanisation has a strong effect on the formation of LGBTI movement organisations as well as the speed with which European states adopt both same‐sex union and anti‐discrimination legislation. The relationship between urbanisation and rights expansion persists even after controlling for a country's level of wealth, religious adherence and the influence of European institutions and norms.

However much public opinion polls might have suggested that Canadians were primarily concerned with economic issues in 1991, national politics was in fact dominated by constitutional questions. In particular this was focused on (predominantly) French-speaking Quebec's place in the federation after the collapse, in mid 1990, of the 1987 Meech Lake Accord. That agreement had sought to rewrite the constitution in a fashion that would have recognized Quebec as a distinct society and won that province's accession to the 1982 Constitution Act.

This article discusses the integration of scholars from Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) into the broader field of European political science. Evaluating data from 2000 to 2020, we ask whether CEE scholars managed to “close the gap” stemming from the initially underdeveloped state of post-communist political science. We contend that the results are rather mixed: CEE scholars have been increasingly present, yet achieved only very limited access to the top levels and mostly remain in a position of dependency. Using the case of Czechia, we discuss the factors that have likely contributed to the perpetuation of this state of integration with limited convergence.

Debate about the interpretation of the Irish party system has been brought to a head by the publication of two studies that devote considerable attention to the issue and that differ radically in their conclusions (Carty, 1981; Garvin, 1981). The question is of interest beyond the ranks of specialists in Irish politics because the overriding issue has been the extent to which the Irish party system conforms or fails to conform to comparative models. Both the systems approach (Blondel, 1969; Sartori, 1966; 1976) and the social cleavage approach (Lipset and Rokkan, 1967) have figured in this debate, the latter tending to occupy centre stage. Indeed the Carty-Garvin divergence relates precisely to the applicability of the Lipset and Rokkan framework.