It was proved by Maksimova in 1977 that exactly eight varieties of Heyting algebras have the amalgamation property, and hence exactly eight axiomatic extensions of intuitionistic propositional logic have the deductive interpolation property. The prevalence of these properties for substructural logics and varieties of pointed residuated lattices (their algebraic semantics) is far less well understood. Taking as our starting point a formulation of intuitionistic propositional logic as the full Lambek calculus with exchange, weakening, and contraction, we investigate the role of the exchange rule—algebraically, the commutativity law—in determining the scope of these properties. First, we show that there are continuum-many varieties of idempotent semilinear residuated lattices that have the amalgamation property and contain non-commutative members, and hence continuum-many axiomatic extensions of the corresponding logic that have the deductive interpolation property in which exchange is not derivable. We then show that, in contrast, exactly 60 varieties of commutative idempotent semilinear residuated lattices have the amalgamation property, and hence exactly 60 axiomatic extensions of the corresponding logic with exchange have the deductive interpolation property. From this latter result, it follows also that there are exactly 60 varieties of commutative idempotent semilinear residuated lattices whose first-order theories have a model completion.

For individuals fleeing oppressive regimes, the support from migrant communities often serves as a lifeline. Although prior research has mostly focused on how host societies respond to migration, this study shifts the lens to examine how migrants themselves decide whom to support in contexts of authoritarian repression and war. Drawing on an original survey of 2,036 Russian emigrants residing in more than 60 countries, which features a conjoint experiment, as well as 60 in-depth interviews, we investigate the criteria underlying migrant-to-migrant assistance. Russian migrants prefer to assist those emigrants who are fleeing because of political persecution or their dissenting political views, rather than those leaving for economic reasons. We suggest that this preference reflects not only political solidarity with antiwar emigrants but also a strategic effort to reshape the image of the Russian diaspora in response to nationality-based discrimination. In addition, contrary to the literature, migrants, driven by perceptions of vulnerability and a sense of guilt over Russia’s wartime actions, offer more support to members of ethnic minorities than to ethnic Russians.

There are increasing calls for greater availability of plant genetic resources (PGR) for use in plant breeding to help counter the adverse impacts of a changing climate and threats from pests and diseases, particularly in a context of reduced agricultural inputs, and the needs of the increasing human population. Managing and promoting ex situ and in situ conservation of PGR requires an effective data and informatics foundation. However, in situ data management is particularly undeveloped, especially when compared to ex situ documentation. The work presented here is a consolidated descriptor list to support in situ conservation of PGR. The consolidated PGR descriptor list is based on numerous partial lists collated from historic PGR activities, biodiversity conservation and protected area networking activities. New descriptors for in situ conservation activities were developed where gaps were identified. The draft consolidated PGR descriptor list was reviewed and revised through a process of consultation with experts in PGR documentation and in situ conservation. In total, 171 descriptors were identified, of which seven are defined as mandatory, 47 are defined as core descriptors and 29 are newly developed descriptors for in situ conservation of PGR. The descriptors cover all aspects of in situ conservation, from gathering passport data (for which there are already well-established descriptors), to monitoring and managing crop wild relative and landrace populations. Recommendations are made for the most effective use and future development of descriptors and how they could be used to further develop and support in situ PGR conservation implementation.

Narratives possess a particular ability both to encapsulate and engender political/ideological aims. The extreme-right is aware of the pedagogic potential of fiction; however, their fiction is only rarely examined from a discourse-analytic perspective. This article analyses a short story written and distributed by a US neo-Nazi organisation. First, my analysis examines: narrative action processes, that is, the (transitive and intransitive) actions of characters, which drive narrative change; and modal tokens relevant to the evaluative function of the narrative. Second, I argue that narrative action processes and modal tokens represent the ‘warp and woof’ of narrative, since they (i) demonstrate how stories connect events, over time, and (ii) appraise the social/political meaning of these events. My analysis has significance for the discourse-analytic understanding of narrative more generally, as well as the specific ways that fantasies of agency and violence function in this story, to incite political action. (Narrative, narrative action processes, modal tokens, extreme-right, neo-Nazi fantasy)

This paper provides a close reading of Phylarchus Fragment 44 (Ath. 4.20–1, 141F–42f) against the backdrop of the Hellenistic discourse of kingship, on the one hand, and the developments in the Spartan kings’ approach to monarchical rule, on the other. It argues that the characterisation of Cleomenes in Fragment 44 is rooted in a discourse on kingship that was contemporaneous with Phylarchus, and that his text’s prevailing theme is the king’s σωφροσύνη as opposed to ὕβρις.

In the literature, the Rule of Law (ROL) is mainly explained, and its value justified, by reference to its support for a liberal conception of human agency. As such, the connection between the ROL and legitimacy is normally considered contingent if the conception of the ROL is thin. It can be rendered necessary, it seems, only by a substantive conception that incorporates other political ideals, notably democracy. Without recourse to such a move, this article defends a necessary ROL-legitimacy connection by exploring the ROL’s contribution to the task of pacification, which, I argue, is inherent in the claim of legitimacy. My interpretation re-orients the ROL’s foundational value from the liberal conception of human agency to politically inspired fear and summa mala. The paradigmatic shift is in line with the realism approach to political theory which derives and explains moral claims in political theories from considerations of basic political necessity.

Depending on what levels of government and actors in a political system one focuses upon, democratic innovations might seem thriving or waning. This emerges clearly when looking at the main trajectories of democratic innovation in Italy. Compared to other liberal democracies, at the national level, Italy is a laggard; yet, a more dynamic landscape of democratic innovations exists at the local level. Some regions have drafted pioneering legislation institutionalising participatory and deliberative practices and numerous councils have adopted participatory innovations, early and consistently over time. Going beyond institutions, social movements have also been very influential with activists developing their own democratic innovation repertoires, which was especially clear in the movement for the commons. Positive and negative trajectories of democratic innovation may coexist across different actors (e.g., governments and civil society.) and levels of government in Italy. However, when these actors enter in contact with each other, state institutions might use democratic innovations against democratic engagement. We reflect on the implications of this situation for future trajectories of democratic innovation in Italy.

Les partis politiques adoptent des techniques de marketing dans l’élaboration et le déploiement de leurs campagnes électorales. Parmi elles, on note le recours au microciblage politique. En contexte canadien, cette approche n’a pas été étudiée au palier municipal. Cet article vise à combler cette lacune. Des entretiens semi-dirigés ont été réalisés auprès de 17 stratèges actifs dans quatre grandes villes québécoises lors des élections municipales de 2021. L’analyse de leurs récits montre qu’en dépit de la présence de réflexions et de comportements apparentés à une logique de marketing politique, les campagnes étudiées n’ont pas recours au microciblage. Elles se concentrent plutôt principalement sur le pointage et la mobilisation électorale, sans mettre à profit les données collectées sur l’électorat. Cette situation pourrait toutefois évoluer advenant une professionnalisation des campagnes dans les cycles électoraux à venir.

This article proposes a theory of mosque regulation to explain why state-mosque relations vary at the subnational level in Europe, using Belgium’s regions as comparative cases. Focusing on Belgium’s policy of formal recognition for mosque-communities, I argue that regulatory outcomes emerge from strategic interactions between local officials and mosque leaders, each responding to distinct audience pressures. I draw from original data on 270 mosques and 52 semi-structured interviews to argue that partisanship shapes regulatory practices: left-leaning governments pursue cooperative regulation to court minority voters, while right-wing officials adopt combative approaches to appease anti-Muslim constituencies. Mosque leaders, in turn, consider reputational costs when deciding whether to engage with the state, often pursuing recognition not for material gain but to signal trustworthiness to the broader public. These findings contribute to an emerging scholarship on the political behavior of Muslim leadership, as well as to broader literatures on minority incorporation and subnational governance.

Orthopaedic inpatients have distinct clinical traits. This study aimed to quantify the burden of nosocomial infections (NIs) on orthopaedic patients. A nested case–control study (2022–2024) at the China National Orthopaedic Medical Center compared orthopaedic inpatients with and without NIs and matched cases and controls 1:3 to evaluate the burden of NIs. A national economic burden analysis was subsequently conducted under various scenarios. Among 120,764 eligible patients, 338 (0.28%) developed NIs. A total of 321 cases were matched with 916 controls. The economic and temporal burdens of NIs are US$2,100 and 5 days per case respectively. Haematologic NIs had the highest additional cost (US$4,295) and the second longest extended stay (9 days). In terms of initial hospitalisations and readmissions, surgical site infections extended hospital stays by 20 days and increased costs by US$4,881. The top three diagnosis-related groups (DRGs) with high burdens are ZC11, ZJ15, and IE21 for costs and ZJ15, IE21, and IB19 for duration. In the mixed-region scenario, orthopaedic specialty hospitals nationwide incur US$5.23 million in direct medical costs annually because of NIs. These findings indicate that NIs significantly affect orthopaedic patients both individually and nationally, necessitating focused prevention and control for high-burden DRGs and specific infections.

As organ-grinder communities in large cities like London expanded in the late nineteenth century, the question of women’s (and children’s) presence in these contexts came to the attention of middle-class observers. Several issues emerge from reports in contemporary British newspapers: Firstly, to what extent was the organ grinders’ music considered to be music? Secondly, to what extent was organ-grinding considered to be a legitimate (and not a deviant or spurious) form of work for women? Lastly, what kinds of freedoms might an organ-grinding life appear to offer, and how did this relate to contemporary middle-class movements for women’s liberation?

Climate oscillations may strongly modify continental precipitation and temperature patterns, therefore understanding their history is relevant for comprehending effects of past and ongoing climate changes. For this purpose, temperature and precipitation reconstructions beyond the instrumental record are extremely useful. As widespread terrestrial archives, loess–paleosol sequences are viable targets for such analyses. Consequently, cost-efficient geophysical proxies have gained increasing attention, but little is known about their capability to reflect even narrow climatic differences. Here we assess the sensitivity of rock-magnetic and photo-spectrometric properties of topsoil samples (n = 50) along uncorrelated, mean annual precipitation (MAP: 525±1 mm/yr to 584±1 mm/yr) and mean annual temperature (MAT: 10.8±0.1 °C to 11.2±0.1 °C) gradients across the Bačka Loess Plateau (Serbia) and test a multivariate approach. Most proxies are sensitive to MAP <565±1 mm/yr, especially anhysteretic remanent magnetization (r2 = 0.81). Applying a multivariate approach to hysteresis data reveals a robust relationship between precipitation (r2 = 0.63), aridity (r2 = 0.67) and physical properties over the entire MAP range. Although the approach needs to be further tested considering different climates, regression analyses, and timescales, our study indicates that multi-proxy approaches may increase the robustness with respect to single-proxy measurements for MAP and aridity reconstructions.

Our 2005 article in this journal provided a comprehensive synthesis and review of available literature then, and compared various aspects of organic versus conventionally produced alternatives. In this reflection, the authors provide a brief commentary on the impact of the publication and updates on the findings since it was published. We conclude with a brief commentary and outlook on selected issues relevant to organic versus conventional food products, and considerations and future directions.