The 2019 ICH E9(R1) addendum highlights the importance of estimands, including the specification of post-randomization events that may affect the interpretation of clinical trial outcomes (i.e., intercurrent events; ICEs) and strategies to handle these events. Compared to trial protocols, there is limited discussion of estimands in the context of evidence synthesis. We conducted a comprehensive review of the Cochrane Library for pairwise meta-analyses of immuno-, targeted, hormone, and other novel oncology therapies. Dates were restricted to 2021 and onwards to allow time for addendum adoption. Outcomes of interest were progression-free survival (PFS) and overall survival (OS). Information on treatment switching and analytic strategies to address treatment switching were extracted from each meta-analysis and the RCTs they included. Out of 162 oncology reviews published in the Cochrane Library since 2021, eight pairwise meta-analyses and 68 RCTs met selection criteria. Most RCTs were Phase 3 (68%; n = 46) and/or open-label (76%; n = 52). More than half of RCTs explicitly allowed switching (59%; n = 40), while more than one third (38%; n = 26) did not report on treatment switching. Among trials that allowed treatment switching, censoring mechanisms for treatment switching varied in analyses of PFS. No included RCTs censored OS at the time of treatment switching. Despite the high prevalence of treatment switching in included trials, none of the identified meta-analyses addressed treatment switching analytically. Poor reporting regarding treatment switching in the RCTs themselves hinders the utility of aggregate-level meta-analyses. To ensure accurate interpretation of meta-analytic results, improved reporting of ICEs and ICE handling strategies is needed.

The substantial progress in bringing perinatal mental health to the forefront is undeniable. However, progress towards integrated care shows staggering disparities across countries. It is impeded by barriers and emerging threats along the care pathway. Perinatal mental disorders are common complications of childbirth that impose significant short- and long-term effects. These affect mental and physical health, relationships and socioeconomic status, having a profound impact on women’s overall functionality and quality of life. Their rising prevalence and disease burden signal a need for action and policy reform. This editorial sheds light on the status of perinatal mental health, highlights progress and existing roadblocks, and charts the way ahead for policy and practice.

This article examines the repercussions of the European banking crises of 1931 on Argentina’s banking sector, emphasizing the role of European banks with branches in the country. While existing literature has focused on the spread of financial instability in Europe and the United States, little attention has been given to the effects on developing economies. Argentina, a key destination for European capital, provides a compelling case study. Using balance sheets, financial statements and archival evidence, this study explores how European banks acted as conduits for the transmission of the 1931 crisis. As parent banks in Europe faced strain, their Argentine affiliates experienced significant deposit withdrawals and were forced to revise their balance sheet strategies, heightening vulnerability within Argentina’s banking system. The findings highlight the broader consequences of global financial integration and suggest that the ripple effects of the European meltdown prolonged recessionary pressures in Argentina, altering lending practices long after the initial shock. This research contributes to the historiography of interwar banking, offering a deeper understanding of the dynamics between European and developing economies during the Great Depression, and underscores the need for further exploration of financial instability in peripheral regions.

This article examines the reform of history education in post-Soviet Russia, paying particular attention to the influence of George Soros’s foundations. It demonstrates how education reform in the field of history, particularly the production of new school textbooks, was characterised by a confrontation between liberal and nationalist forces, which echoed the clashes between these groups in the political arena. The article demonstrates that, in contrast to President Boris Yeltsin’s government, liberals prevailed in the field of education and were able to promote new history textbooks despite nationalist opposition. George Soros’s foundations supported Russian liberals financially but left them to lead the reform process. Despite liberal reforms in history education being a homegrown affair, the nationalist backlash concentrated on attacking foreign philanthropists such as Soros. These critiques, which were built upon the widespread rejection of Western models in the late 1990s, contributed to the discreditation of liberal politicians and their reforms in post-Soviet Russia.

This article reveals late Ottoman (1876–1908) debates over agrarian policy in the empire’s Arab provinces that set the parameters for a fully articulated discourse of national economy emerging after the constitutional revolution of 1908. Debates between imperial officials, regional capitalists and foreign consular agents produced protectionist restrictions on the newly constructed agrarian land market, especially in an extended geography encompassing Palestine and the Hijaz Railway. Ottoman officials viewed the Arab provinces both as an untapped resource and as a possible alternative base in the event of Anatolia’s occupation. Restrictions on the land market constructed Muslim cultivators as ideal landholders and non-Muslim subjects, both Christian and Jewish, as potentially suspect and unfit for landholding. Protectionist and exclusionary agrarian policies responded to a wider context of imperial capitalism in which Ottoman officials occupied a subordinate, but still sovereign, position. These policies had an unrecognized legacy in the colonial and postcolonial Middle East, creating a durable state domain that aimed to shield large swaths of land as territory from foreign investment and occupation. The much-discussed work of Frederick List on national economy focused on practices of import substitution and tariffs with empirical examples culled mainly from the United States and Germany. In the Ottoman Empire, in contrast, agrarian policy played a crucial role in practices of national economy because of the urgent prerogative to maintain territorial sovereignty in the face of imminent colonial expansion. The article suggests a reappraisal of the contributions of Ottoman policy debates to the broader history of capitalism.

Collective agents can be praiseworthy without any of their members being praiseworthy. To support this “discontinuity thesis,” we consider the role that motivation plays in the attribution of moral responsibility. An agent who is praiseworthy must have had the appropriate moral motivation. We argue that it is possible that the collective agent was appropriately motivated, while its members were not. Subsequently, we develop an account of corporate moral concern, which gives substance to this second discontinuity thesis, about the moral motivation of collective agents.

In recent years, the European Union (EU) has introduced several policy measures to better align financial markets with sustainability goals. So far, these policies have mainly aimed to improve how information on the sustainability impacts of investments is collected and transmitted. Policymakers hope that adjustments to the epistemic infrastructure of financial markets will lead to a shift in investments that translates into transformational change in the real economy. The EU’s sustainable finance policies often follow a reflexive law approach and confine themselves to setting procedural and organisational norms. This article analyses the potential and limitations of this approach and argues that sustainable finance policies must be sufficiently detailed and binding to avoid the risk, associated with reflexive law policies, of granting too much discretion to agents with vested interests detrimental to the governance aims. However, detailed and binding policies do not fully realise the advantages in dealing with highly complex and dynamic situations that are often ascribed to reflexive law policies. While sustainable finance policies that address the epistemic infrastructure of financial markets are for various reasons still important, their potential and advantages compared to other governance approaches should not be exaggerated.

The Curry–Howard correspondence is often described as relating proofs (in intuitionistic natural deduction) to programs (terms in simply-typed lambda calculus). However, this narrative is hardly a perfect fit, due to the computational content of cut-elimination and the logical origins of the lambda calculus. We revisit Howard’s work and interpret it as an isomorphism between a category of formulas and proofs in intuitionistic sequent calculus and a category of types and terms in simply-typed lambda calculus. In our telling of the story, the fundamental duality is not between proofs and programs but between emphlocal (sequent calculus) and global (lambda calculus or natural deduction) points of view on a common logico-computational mathematical structure.

This paper revisits debates about the right to communicate from the late 1960s to early 2000s, examining how different actors engaged with this concept in reaction to imminent technological changes and their implications for society. It explores how these actors advocated for or contested this concept at different international forums such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) to advance different agendas for the international order. In telling the story of the right to communicate, this paper adopts a historical-materialist approach, examining discursive struggles as reflective of and conditioned by material and social relations and their contradictions, and reflects on the question of the promise and perils of human rights for social change, considering not only the malleability of rights language but the material conditions of which human rights concepts are reflective and constitutive.

Russia’s systematic deportation and transfer of Ukrainian children from occupied territories since 2014 is a central instrument of Russian governance. This article conceptualises the abduction of children as politicised captivity – the state-directed, long-term custodial control of a vulnerable population segment for explicitly political ends. The removal of children serves the strategic goals of exerting coercive pressure on local families, disrupting Ukrainian identity transmission, and facilitating demographic restructuring. Drawing on Foucault’s ‘biopolitics’ and Agamben’s ‘state of exception’, we analyse how institutional and legal mechanisms, from ‘recreation’ camps to streamlined adoption decrees, are employed to seize control over the identity formation and future political subjectivity of minors. Empirical findings, derived from witness testimonies and interviews, detail the operational pathways of transfer (e.g., filtration, holiday schemes) and the resulting experiences of psychological trauma, educational disruption, and ideological indoctrination. We argue that by targeting children, Russian authorities employ a sophisticated form of biopolitical control that is fundamental to maintaining and legitimising their long-term authority in contested spaces.

In response to the self-undermining problem for modest accounts of rational belief, some have proposed that an agent may rationally lose confidence in the truth of these accounts, while continuing to believe as the accounts prescribe. Such agents believe akratically. Many reject the possibility of rational akrasia. Others have defended it—at least in cases where an agent rationally sees her own beliefs as more accurate than rational alternatives would be. This paper argues that akrasia can be rational, but that defending rational akrasia based on an agent’s views about accuracy cannot succeed. Fortunately, however, the defense is not necessary.

We introduce a geometric model of shallow multiplicative exponential linear logic (MELL) using the Hilbert scheme. Building on previous work interpreting multiplicative linear logic (MLL) proofs as systems of linear equations, we show that shallow MELL proofs can be modelled by locally projective schemes. The key insight is that while MLL proofs correspond to equations between formulas, the exponential fragment of shallow proofs corresponds to equations between these equations. We prove that the model is invariant under cut-elimination by constructing explicit isomorphisms between the schemes associated with proofs related by cut-reduction steps. A key technical tool is the interpretation of the exponential modality using the Hilbert scheme, which parameterises closed subschemes of projective space. We demonstrate the model through detailed examples, including an analysis of Church numerals that reveals how the Hilbert scheme captures the geometric content of promoted formulas. This work establishes new connections between proof theory and algebraic geometry, suggesting broader relationships between computation and scheme theory.

In “A Nice Derangement of Epitaphs,” Donald Davidson argues against the view that conventions fix the meanings of our words and for the position that a speaker’s intentions play a fundamental role in fixing what she means by her words. However, he is clear that he still holds to the externalism, holism, and literalism argued for earlier in his career. Lepore and Stone (Philosophical Perspectives, 31, 245–265, 2017) and Camp (Inquiry, 59, 113–138, 2016) suggest that the resulting picture is contradictory. In this article, I take up Lepore, Stone, and Camp’s arguments to clarify Davidson’s position and motivate an anti-conventional literalism about meaning.

This article distinguishes isolationist and integrationist accounts of the legal-economic nexus. Isolationists deny the possibility of integrating different theoretical perspectives, while integrationists try to unify different accounts. Leading legal theorists have recently presented isolationist efficiency-, liberty-, and democracy-centred accounts of the market. It is argued that the legal–economic nexus is an integrationist concept, requiring an integrationist understanding of the constitutive role of law in the economy – a common view within the Law and Political Economy movement. Two integrationist strategies are presented: structural integrations and epistemic translations. Using them, an integrated consumer-centric account of the market is offered: consumers are not mere instruments; they are the lead actor, with all the entitlements in terms of powers, rights, and responsibilities that this position of authority entails.