The main challenge to producing a nutritionally improved milk fat composition is to increase monounsaturated fatty acids (MUFA) and decrease saturated fatty acids (SFA) without detriment to dairy product characteristics. Our aim was to determine the optimal amount of intestinally available oleic acid (via abomasal infusion) to produce higher-MUFA milk fat with satisfactory functional characteristics for ice cream. One control and four increasing doses of free fatty acids (FA) from high oleic sunflower oil (HOSFA) were infused into the abomasa of four lactating dairy cows in a changeover design with periods of 7 d. Treatments were (1) control (no FA infused), (2) HOSFA (250 g/d), (3) HOSFA (500 g/d), (4) HOSFA (750 g/d), and (5) HOSFA (1000 g/d). All treatments included meat solubles and Tween 80 as emulsifiers. Ice cream mixes were prepared with butter oil from all treatments. Samples prepared from control and 500 g/d HOSFA infusion were evaluated by a judging panel in a triangle test. Statistical analysis of results showed linear changes in most of the variables analysed as HOSFA infusion increased. For ice cream under freezing temperatures, the 500 g/d level was optimal. Sensory evaluation analysis indicated no statistical difference between ice creams prepared from the control and 500 g/d HOSFA infusion. Changes in 23 triacylglycerol fractions were statistically correlated to functional properties at 10 min of freezing. The decrease in fractions with SFA (butyrin-caprylin-palmitin, butyrin-laurin-olein, butyrin-myristin-palmitin, butyrin-palmitin-palmitin, caproin-myristin-palmitin, butyrin-palmitin-stearin, caproin-palmitin-palmitin) and the increase in dioleyl triglycerides (with butyric, lauric, myristic and palmitic acids) and triolein were some of the most highly correlated with ice cream functional properties as the result of increasing HOSFA infusion. We were able to produce an ice cream with desirable physical and organoleptic qualities, yet containing twice as much oleic acid and two-thirds as much palmitate as a control ice cream.

Population displacement is a prominent state-building strategy. Using either force or positive inducements, states sponsor the resettlement of racial, ethnic, or linguistic groups to consolidate territorial control. We evaluate the long-run consequences of large-scale displacement by analyzing a historical episode in Afghanistan: the relocation of Pashtun communities during the rule of Emir Abd al-Rahman. Using historical records, we reconstruct the map of relocated tribes to identify contemporary settlements that are connected to the original displaced settlements. We analyze novel, microlevel survey data on more than 80,000 subjects to study how contemporary attitudes about the central government and the Taliban as well as individuals’ identity salience differ across coethnic communities separated by the emir’s state-building effort. We argue that under conditions common to many historical cases, settlers develop regional political identities that are neither ethnocentric, nor pro-central-state, nor focused on national identity. We show that the long-term consequences of the state-led resettlement of Pashtuns to northern Afghanistan are stronger attachments to regional government and local institutions, along with greater hostility to the central government and the Taliban relative to Pashtuns in the south and east.

The new genera Aurantiothallia and Hertelaria are proposed for species of saxicolous lichens known only from Tasmania. Aurantiothallia is erected for the species currently known as Poeltiaria tasmanica and the newly described A. riparia, both of which have an orange thallus lacking lichen products but with an amyloid medulla and black apothecia with only brown pigments internally. Hertelaria is based on the new species H. doleritica, which has an atrobrunnea-type thallus and large adnate, red-brown apothecia up to 2.4 mm diam. Phylogenetic analyses based on the markers ITS, mtSSU and RPB1 clearly support the morphological results, each genus forming a strongly supported clade. Also newly described are: Poeltiaria caeruleorubra, with a red-pigmented inner exciple that contrasts strongly with the adjacent bright blue hymenium; Porpidia lutulata, which has small apothecia and a granular thallus with an amyloid (I+ violet) medulla; and Porpidia umbonifera var. sanguinea, which differs from the typical variety in having a reddish pigment in the inner exciple. All the new taxa are known only from silicious rocks, mostly dolerite, in Tasmania. We also report Porpidia albocaerulescens var. polycarpiza and P. hydrophila for the first time from Tasmania, confirm the presence of P. umbonifera var. umbonifera on the island, and provide a provisional key to porpidioid lichens in Tasmania.

Cultural heritage rests on imaginings of a shared humanity transcending national dividing lines. However, cultural heritage sites are frequently targeted in war. In this article I show that the politics of cultural protection is marked by tensions and contestations. A key argument is that the protection of cultural heritage in armed conflict is a militarised practice that is informed by notions of protection that are broadly western-centred and masculinised. Therefore, I suggest that they are insensitive to the gendered and colonial power relations that undergird the protection of cultural property. Informed by critical heritage studies, cosmopolitanism, and feminist IR scholarship, I elucidate the claims of this article through a feminist narrative analysis of protection. I identify what is said and what is silenced in heritage protection narratives. First, I focus on the wider storytelling that surrounds heritage protection, unpacking the ethical, gendered, and colonial assumptions employed. Second, I turn to the narration of military protection in the UNESCO military manual, attending to its ethical underpinnings, protection logics, and privileging of distinctively western military knowledge. I conclude by calling for a more nuanced approach to cultural protection.

This study, constructed with the use of the hitherto little-consulted personal archives of Jacob Festus Ade Ajayi, 1929–2014, one of the pioneer historians from Africa, explores his emergence as a historian who fervently believed in the value of working in collaboration with colleague historians committed to the promotion of the history of Africa. It discusses the impact of his unique role in the furtherance of cooperation as demonstrated both by his work in global institutions, including universities in Africa, UNESCO and the International African Institute, and his publications. It concludes with a commendation of his contribution to the development of historiography in Africa.

A copper-alloy spear-shaped mount, found during excavations at the extramural settlement at Inveresk Roman fort, represents a rare British example of a beneficiarius lance symbol. Stylistic parallels are found among a corpus of personal ornaments used by soldiers of the beneficiarii and are typically restricted to sites on the German limes. This paper discusses the style and function of this object and what its presence reveals about Inveresk and its role in the administration and control of Roman Scotland.

A classical argument was introduced by Khintchine in 1926 in order to exhibit the existence of totally irrational singular linear forms in two variables. This argument was subsequently revisited and extended by many authors. For instance, in 1959 Jarník used it to show that for $n \geqslant 2$ and for any non-increasing positive f there are totally irrational matrices $A \in M_{m,n}(\mathbb{R})$ such that for all large enough t there are $\mathbf{p} \in \mathbb{Z}^m, \mathbf{q} \in \mathbb{Z}^n \smallsetminus \{0\}$ with $\|\mathbf{q}\| \leqslant t$ and $\|A \mathbf{q} - \mathbf{p}\| \leqslant f(t)$. We denote the collection of such matrices by $\operatorname{UA}^*_{m,n}(f)$. We adapt Khintchine’s argument to show that the sets $\operatorname{UA}^*_{m,n}(f)$, and their weighted analogues $\operatorname{UA}^*_{m,n}(f, {\boldsymbol{\omega}})$, intersect many manifolds and fractals, and have strong intersection properties. For example, we show that: (i) when $n \geqslant 2$, the set $\bigcap_{{\boldsymbol{\omega}}} \operatorname{UA}^*(f, {\boldsymbol{\omega}}) $, where the intersection is over all weights ${\boldsymbol{\omega}}$, is non-empty, and moreover intersects many manifolds and fractals; (ii) for $n \geqslant 2$, there are vectors in $\mathbb{R}^n$ which are simultaneously k-singular for every k, in the sense of Yu; and (iii) when $n \geqslant 3$, $\operatorname{UA}^*_{1,n}(f) + \operatorname{UA}^*_{1,n}(f) =\mathbb{R}^n$. We also obtain new bounds on the rate of singularity which can be attained by column vectors in analytic submanifolds of dimension at least 2 in $\mathbb{R}^n$.

In the contemporary era, territorial conquest has been seen as illegitimate and has taken place in only limited ways. According to an influential narrative in scholarship and public debate, this “territorial integrity norm” is a product of the post-World War II international order and contrasts with the nineteenth century, when conquest was normalized and “might made right.” This essay argues, however, that nineteenth-century European international law imposed meaningful limitations on conquest, including “territorial inviolability.” These limitations were more effective in the colonized world than in Europe, primarily because national irredentism was not thought relevant outside Europe. Europeans’ denial of non-European sovereignty contrasted with their respect for European-established colonial boundaries, and they did not fight over colonial territory between 1815 and 1914. I demonstrate the strength of this “etiquette of thieves” by examining two events where territorial conflict between colonial powers was narrowly avoided: the Panjdeh (1885) and Fashoda (1898) incidents. Viewing territorial integrity as qualitatively changing, rather than absent at one time and present later, has important implications for discussions of how recent conquests, such as those of Russia in Ukraine, will affect the principle of territorial integrity. In particular, territorial integrity may be more likely to be altered in how it is applied than eroded altogether. A specific form of territorial integrity is an integral part of the post-World War II international order, but constraints on conquest as such need not be limited to that specific version of territorial integrity.

A new phylogenetic analysis of Lecanora s. lat. is presented based on a dataset of seven loci, including recently published mitochondrial markers. In this analysis, comprising 136 specimens and 572 sequences, several clades that can be circumscribed taxonomically are recovered as monophyletic with strong support. Lecanora divides into two large monophyletic subclades. The well-supported MPRPS clade sensu Medeiros et al. (2021) combines the genera Lecanoropsis, Myriolecis, Protoparmeliopsis, Rhizoplaca and the Lecanora polytropa- and L. varia-groups. The second unsupported clade contains the genera Bryonora, Palicella, Pulvinora and Vainionora, plus the Lecanora albella/subcarnea-, L. carpinea/rupicola-, L. intumescens-, L. subfusca- and L. symmicta-groups. Japewia, Lecidella, Miriquidica, Ramboldia and members of the Lecanora fuscescens-group are placed outside these two clades. Phylogenetic, morphological and chemical evidence supports the resurrection of three genera: Glaucomaria (for the Lecanora carpinea/rupicola-group), Straminella (for the L. varia-group), and Zeora (for the L. symmicta-group). Descriptions for each of the resurrected genera are provided, including new taxonomic combinations and lists of additional Lecanora species likely to be transferred to the proposed new genera pending further studies. Comments on the nomenclature of the new genera, as well as for Lecanoropsis and Myriolecis, are provided.

It is well known that, under a contract of sale, title to goods passes when the parties intend, but it is considered unclear whether the same is true of non-sale contracts. This article argues that there is a long line of cases dealing with “vesting clauses” that establishes that title passes when the parties intend under any contract, not just contracts of sale. This has significant implications for how judges should reason through cases dealing with transfers under contracts and how lawyers generally explain various areas of commercial law.

In the mid-nineteenth century, U.S. American blackface minstrel troupes toured South Africa. Members of the interstitial racialized group labeled “Coloured” took up the figure of “the coon” and incorporated its visual, sonic, and embodied signifiers in a popular multigenerational choral and instrumental practice called Kaapse klopse (“clubs of the Cape”). In the twenty-first century, participants continue to don blackface makeup and reenact minstrelsy’s troubled sonic and embodied repertoires in “coon song” performance competitions—now almost exclusively made up of Frank Sinatra hits. Drawing on critical engagements with nostalgia as a cultural practice, cultural memory and performance, and ethnographic fieldwork with Kaapse klopse participants in Cape Town, this article explores how contemporary reenactments of Frank Sinatra hits offer participants a critical space for nostalgic reflection against normative historiographies of the apartheid past. At a moment when the hope embedded in the transition to democracy has been met with the stark socioeconomic failures of the postapartheid state, Sinatra’s mid-century music and persona signify the hope for the future embedded in a repressive past. I demonstrate that this performance-inspired reflection enables participants to bask in a nostalgia for future possibilities, express dissatisfaction with the present, and connect to a past that is off limits. In the process, participants recycle anti-Black signifiers that keep minstrelsy ever-present. This article contributes to the special issue by revealing how subjects outside the U.S. nostalgically reperform racialized American music to comment on their own histories, experiences, and hopes for the future.

We prove the geometric Satake equivalence for mixed Tate motives over the integral motivic cohomology spectrum. This refines previous versions of the geometric Satake equivalence for split reductive groups. Our new geometric results include Whitney–Tate stratifications of Beilinson–Drinfeld Grassmannians and cellular decompositions of semi-infinite orbits. With future global applications in mind, we also achieve an equivalence relative to a power of the affine line. Finally, we use our equivalence to give Tannakian constructions of Deligne’s modification of the dual group and a modified form of Vinberg’s monoid over the integers.

In February 2025, US President Trump signed an executive order blocking the initiation of any new investigations or enforcement actions under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act (FCPA), which had made it unlawful for US companies to bribe foreign public officials. We analyze market valuations of publicly traded multinationals on US financial markets before and after the announcement. On the day of the executive order, former FCPA targets whose stocks are publicly traded experienced returns on equity markets that were about 0.69 percentage points higher than what would have been expected from stock market trends. The effects cumulated substantively, resulting in capitalization gains for the portfolio of past targets of corporate corruption cases of about USD 39 billion and outsized returns to shareholders. These results allow us to contribute to long-standing debates about how much of the costs multinationals experience from corruption are due to legal enforcement versus the inefficiency and uncertainty it generates for firm operations. When legal enforcement is removed, valuations of firms at risk of corruption rise dramatically, indicating that investors perceive the legal costs as an important threat to investment in corrupt firms. Suspending FCPA enforcement is thus likely to induce market confidence in risky investments.

Do the public in a rising authoritarian power overestimate their country’s reputation, power, and influence in the world? Excessive national overconfidence has both domestic and international consequences, but it has rarely been systematically studied. Using two studies conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic and another conducted later, I show that the Chinese public widely and systematically overestimate China’s global reputation and soft power, even during a national crisis. Critically, informing Chinese citizens of actual international public opinion of China substantially corrects these perceptions. It also moderately alters their evaluations of China, its governing system, and their expectations for the country’s role in the world. These effects from simple information interventions are not fleeting, suggesting that overconfidence can be meaningfully corrected and triumphalism mitigated. The findings have both theoretical significance and important policy implications.