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It is a commonly shared belief not only among laymen but also among scholars that
mass media, in particular television, have a strong impact on their audience.
While most people believe that the media have a direct effect on the attitudes
and behaviour of the individual, the experts have become more careful. They
define the role of mass media as factors in socialization, as mediators of
knowledge and world-views, and regard them as instruments of enculturation,
which contribute to the shaping of a cultural identity, mainly by means of their
explicit contents. Even television, however, with its apparently truthful
reflection of reality is not a replica-like representation of actual society,
but rather a symbolic reflection of its value structure. The iconic signs of
television meet a whole range of cultural meanings, which on a higher level are
integrated into a comprehensive cultural picture of the world — a
world-view. The cultural determination of television systems and programmes is
often asserted, but seldom is the specific manner and manifestation of a
cultural influence disclosed — apart from a rather global juxtaposition
of American and non-American (European or Third World countries) cultures. What
is usually lacking are thorough analyses of the content and form of television
programmes and their relation to the specific socio-cultural and socio-political
context in which they appear.
A discussion of mass media in developing countries or regions almost inevitably
turns to the issue of media, tradition and change, and to the role television
plays in the preservation and formation (or deformation) of cultural and
national identities. In Singapore, these questions are rendered even more
complex since Singaporeans are faced with the problem of:
- a simultaneous identity as a member of a culture, the centre of which is
outside Singapore, and as a Singaporean, as well as
- living side by side with other Singaporeans who are supposed to have the
same national identity but different cultural identities.
The history of the ko-tai in Malaysia goes back to the pre- and post-World War II periods. In those days, the ko-tai consisted of all-night performances of popular songs on stage. To provide variety, sometimes more serious Chinese plays such as Jia, adapted from Ba Qin's novel Family, and Lei Yu, adapted from Cao Yu's novel The Thunderstorm, were performed but these were interspersed with popular songs. The troupes which performed these plays were usually imported from China and Hong Kong while local singers were hired to sing. By and large, these stage shows were held in amusement parks in big towns such as Penang, Ipoh, and Kuala Lumpur. Its purpose was essentially entertainment and the ko-tai troupes were usually run by amusement-park owners such as the Shaw Brothers Company Limited.
Since its inception, the ko-tai has always been part of modern entertainment. In the pre- and post-World War II periods, it appealed to the younger set and was an alternative to traditional entertainment like the Chinese opera which was also performed in amusement parks. Songs by famous Chinese stars based in Shanghai, such as Zhou Xuen and Bai Guang, which were considered popular at that time (but which are “classics” today) were sung. Performers were clad in the fashionable cheong sam, samfoo or even Western attire: pants and shirt for the men, blouse and skirt for the women. Such attire was completely different from the traditional Chinese costumes worn in the operas.
By about the late 1960s, the amusement parks in Penang had closed down as business was not lucrative. They could not compete with the other types of entertainment accessible then and now: films, television, nightclubs, and so forth. The ko-tai singers at the amusement parks were retrenched and had to turn to other ways of earning a living. However, one of these singers called Lau Ping, who had been performing for Shaw Brothers in the amusement parks since the 1940s, subsequently launched a ko-tai troupe of his own in Penang in 1970.
Aduldej was born on 7 January 1940 in the province of Bangkok. He is the son of Momchao Warathiwath and Rumala and is married to M.R. Benjawan. He attended the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. As Lieutenant-Colonel and Commander of the 1st Cavalry Squadron, King's Guard, Aduldej was appointed to the Senate in 1979.
AKARADEJ SASIPRAPHA
Akaradej was born on 31 December 1940 in the district of Muang, Udonthani, the son of Lt.-Gen. Ard. He attended the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy. Akaradej was appointed to the Senate in 1979 with the rank of Major and the position of Commander of the 3rd Battalion of the 1st Regiment.
AMNAD DAMRIGAN
Amnad was born on 2 October 1922 in the province of Bangkok. He is the son of Khun Sonthisaranan and Jitt. He attended the Military Cadet Academy, and had had training experience abroad. While holding the rank of Lieutenant-General and in the position of Deputy Chief of Staff of the Royal Thai Army, Amnad was elected to the Senate. He died in 1981.
AMNUAY CHUKES
Amnuay was born on 15 July 1924 in the province of Bangkok. He is the son of Khun Sunthornsombat and Ob and is married to Kobsuk. He attended the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy and the Army War College. As Colonel and Commander of the 7th Regiment, Amnuay was appointed to the National Legislative Assembly and subsequently to the Senate.
AMPHORN SVETASARNI
Amphorn was born on 28 July 1936 in the province of Bangkok. He is the son of Lt.-Col. Arun and Norn and is married to Watcharee. He attended the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy and the Army Command and General Staff College. As Lieutenant-Colonel and Commander of the 3rd Battalion of the 11th Regiment at Rachaburi, Amphorn was appointed to the Senate.
ANEK BOONYATEE
Anek was born on 21 July 1924 in the district of Muang, Trad.
Akhom was born on 25 January 1934 in the Muang district of Chiang Mai province. He is the son of Luang Athavedyavoravud and Sombun. He is married to Jitanong. He attended the Royal Thai Air Force Academy and the Air Command and Staff College. While holding the rank of Wing Commander and in the position of Commander of Wing 41, Akhom was appointed to the National Legislative Assembly. Subsequently, with the rank of Group Captain he was appointed to the Senate.
AMPORN CONDEE
Amporn was born on 6 December 1921 in the Na San district of Surat Thani province. He is the son of Sing and Sema and is married to Nomjit. He attended the Military Technical Academy, the Flying Training School, the Air Command and Staff College, and the National Defence College. He has had training experience abroad. Amporn was appointed to the National Legislative Assembly with the rank of Air Vice Marshal and the position of Deputy Chief of Air Staff for Intelligence. His rank is now that of Air Chief Marshal.
ARUN PROMDHEP
Arun was born on 4 December 1927 in the Muang district of Samut Prakan province to Kham and Phai. He is married to Chuanpis. He attended the Chulachomklao Royal Military Academy, the Flying Training School in the USA, and the Air Command and Staff College in England. He has also had training experience abroad. With the rank of Air Vice Marshal and in the position of Director of Operations, Arun was appointed to the National Administrative Reform Assembly, then to the National Legislative Assembly and subsequently to the Senate. His present rank is that of Air Chief Marshal.
BANCHA SUKHANUSAS
Bancha was born on 26 January 1921 in the Muang district of Chiangrai province to Phra Dulyathannapreechawai and Mrs Dulyathannapreechawai.
As gods in the Chinese religious pantheon can choose to be benevolent as well as malevolent and are believed to possess power over human health, fertility, and fortune, they must be ritually propitiated. To worship the gods, incense is burnt daily at shrines and temples. In addition, the gods' birthdays are regarded as special events. On these occasions, regular devotees of the particular deity bring offerings, joss-sticks and incense to the temple premises. The larger than usual crowd draws hawkers to the vicinity. Sometimes, street theatres in the form of opera and puppet shows are also performed to entertain and to thank the deities for favours granted. All these – the crowd, the hawkers and the entertainment – create the atmosphere of a festival.
More recently, modern stage shows called ko-tai (literally translated as “song stage”) have played a part in religious festivals as well. These stage shows, featuring Chinese and Western popular songs (accompanied by electric-guitar bands) and comic sketches, are usually performed for two or three days after the traditional operas have been staged. There is thus a mix of traditional and modern theatres in religious festivals today.
Although various preliminary studies of the traditional opera and puppet theatre in Malaysia are avail able, no investigations have been conducted on the ko-tai which can be found in the streets of Penang throughout the year and which attracts large audiences. A study of the ko-tai is thus pertinent.
In this paper, I shall discuss the nature and content of the ko-tai and attempt to explain its popularity in Penang. The findings are based on attendance of some 100 ko-tai shows, 200 comic sketches, and interviews with proprietors, managers, performers, and audiences of different ko-tai troupes in Penang over a period of three years (1979–81). The comic sketches and songs performed were also taped for analysis.
This paper presents the detailed results of the computation of the population projections for Singapore by sex and for time intervals of five years from 1980 to 2070. Two sets of figures were prepared to indicate two plausible future courses of population trends, one according to replacement fertility from 1990 thereafter and the other according to constant 1980 fertility. They are known as Projection A and Projection B, respectively. A brief description of the methodology adopted to prepare these population projections and a short commentary on the results of the computation are also presented.