Experts argue that resource transfers from developed to developing countries are central to international climate policy efforts. Yet as countries grapple with the political difficulties of provisioning and accepting climate funds, understanding why voters support or oppose international climate finance becomes critical. Focusing on domestic audiences in both donor and recipient countries, we investigate the determinants of public support for cross-border climate transfers. Theoretically, we focus on the effects of emphasizing the compensatory purposes of funding, favoring mitigation over adaptation activities, and prioritizing partnerships between donor and recipient agents—three factors that generate both normative and material benefits, and thus build support among broader coalitions of voters. Paired survey experiments in the United States and India corroborate the relevance of these transfer features for citizens in donor and recipient countries. Taken together, our findings shed light on the domestic political-economy attributes of transfer agreements that can unlock support for cross-border climate cooperation.

Combating climate change requires large economic adjustments with significant distributional implications. To build coalitions of support, scholars and policy makers propose compensating individuals who will bear decarbonization’s costs. What are the determinants of public opinion regarding climate compensation and investment? We theorize that climate policy vulnerability and climate change vulnerability induce support for distinct types of climate policy. Fielding original surveys in the United States and India, we show that people who reside in coal-producing regions prefer compensation for lost jobs. The general public privileges diffuse redistribution mechanisms and investments, discounting compensation to targeted groups. Those who are both physically and economically vulnerable have cross-cutting preferences. Nevertheless, there is considerable support across our samples for policies that compensate different coalitions of climate-vulnerable citizens, in line with theories of “just energy” transition and embedded liberalism. We trace the distinctive compensatory preferences of fossil fuel communities to a logic of shared community identities.

This article examines the chief characteristics that make for good or great teaching. A combination of professional, disciplinary, and key interpersonal factors is required to advance from good to great. The alchemic process of learning—especially “how” we learn—also is explored.

International environmental cooperation can impose significant costs on private firms. Yet, in recent years some companies have been supportive of international climate agreements. This suggests that under certain conditions environmental accords can be profitable. In this paper, I seek to explain this puzzle by focusing on the interaction between domestic regulation and decisions at international climate negotiations. I argue that global climate cooperation hurts the profits of polluting firms if domestic governments do not shield them from international compliance costs. Vice versa, if firms are subject to protective (i.e., insufficiently severe) policy instruments at home, firms can materially gain from international climate agreements that sustain expectations about their profitability. I test the argument with an event study of the effect of decisions at the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) on major European firms that received free carbon permits in the early stages of the European Union Emission Trading Scheme (EU ETS). The analysis suggests that financial markets carefully follow the international climate negotiations, and reward the regulated firms based on the outcome of UNFCCC decisions. The evidence also indicates the advantageous interplay between certain types of domestic regulations and international regimes for business. More generally, the results show the perils of privately supported policy for the effectiveness of international public good provision.

Infant-directed speech (IDS) is a specific register that adults use to address infants, and it is characterised by prosodic exaggeration and lexical and syntactic simplification. Several authors have underlined that this simplified speech becomes more complex according to the infant's age. However, there is a lack of studies on lexical and syntactic modifications in Italian IDS during the first year of an infant's life. In the present study, 80 mother–infant dyads were longitudinally observed at 3, 6, 9, and 12 months during free-play interactions. Maternal vocal productions were subsequently coded. The results show an overall low lexical variability and syntactic complexity that identify speech to infants as a simplified register; however, the high occurrence of complex items and well-structured utterances suggests that IDS is not simple speech. Moreover, maternal IDS becomes more complex over time, but not linearly, with a maximum simplification in the second half of the first year.

Political research on social media argues that new channels of technological communication influence political leadership. However, we do not know the extent to which social media affect the power of other authorities—for example, religious leaders—in the secular world. This article focuses on the social media presence of the Pope. I argue that the pontiff uses social media communication to explicitly address certain political issues. Specifically, I claim that his messages on the web tend to be more political when critical world events threaten peaceful international relations and frighten salient religious minorities. I investigated this argument by studying Pope Francis’s statements on Twitter. The analysis indicates that the Pope is more likely to release political tweets during international crises, thus targeting issues that otherwise belong to other secular authorities. At the same time, it “normalizes” the Catholic Church’s power in that it allows the Pope to maintain the Vatican’s long tradition of safeguarding peace and protecting vulnerable populations. These findings have implications for the leadership of the Catholic Church in the modern world and extend to other papacies beyond Francis’s.

The crystal structure and chemical formula of zvyaginite, ideally Na2ZnTiNb2(Si2O7)2O2(OH)2(H2O)4, a lamprophyllite-group mineral of the seidozerite supergroup from the type locality, Mt. Malyi Punkaruaiv, Lovozero alkaline massif, Kola Peninsula, Russia have been revised. The crystal structurewas refined with a new origin in space group C1, a = 10.769(2), b = 14.276(3), c = 12.101(2) Å, α = 105.45(3), β = 95.17(3), γ = 90.04(3)°, V = 1785.3(3.2) Å3, R1 = 9.23%. The electron-microprobe analysis gave the following empirical formula [calculated on 22 (O + F)]: (Na0.75Ca0.09K0.04□1.12)Σ2 (Na1.12Zn0.88Mn0.17Fe2+ 0.04□0.79)Σ3 (Nb1.68Ti1.25Al0.07)Σ3 (Si4.03O14)O2 [(OH)1.11F0.89]Σ2(H2O)4, Z = 4. Electron-diffraction patterns have prominent streaking along c* and HRTEM images show an intergrowth of crystalline zvyaginite with two distinct phases, both of which are partially amorphous. The crystal structure of zvyaginite is an array of TS (Titanium-Silicate) blocks connected via hydrogen bonds between H2O groups. The TS block consists of HOH sheets (H = heteropolyhedral, O = octahedral) parallel to (001). In the O sheet, the [6]MO(1,4,5) sites are occupied mainly by Ti, Zn and Na and the [6]MO(2,3) sites are occupied by Na at less than 50%. In the H sheet, the [6]MH(1,2) sites are occupied mainly by Nb and the [8]AP(1) and [8]AP(2) sites are occupied mainly by Na and □. The MH and AP polyhedra and Si2O7 groups constitute the H sheet. The ideal structural formula is Na□Nb2NaZn□Ti(Si2O7)2O2(OH)2(H2O)4. Zvyaginite is a Zn-bearing and Na-poor analogue of epistolite, ideally (Na□)Nb2Na3Ti(Si2O7)2O2(OH)2(H2O)4. Epistolite and zvyaginite are related by the following substitution in the O sheet of the TS-block: (Naþ 2 )epi↔Zn2+ zvy +□zvy. The doubling of the t1 and t2 translations of zvyaginite relative to those of epistolite is due to the order of Zn and Na along a (t1) and b (t2) in the O sheet of zvyaginite.