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Cross-national neuropsychological research is needed to understand the social, economic, and cultural factors associated with cognitive risk and resilience across global aging populations. Memory and language have been shown to be sensitive to age-related cognitive decline and pathological cognitive aging processes and may be more sensitive to subtle cognitive decline than measures of global cognitive function. Thus, we aimed to derive and validate harmonized cognitive domain scores for memory and language across population-based studies in the US and Mexico.
Participants and Methods:
Data came from the Health and Retirement Study (HRS) Harmonized Cognitive Assessment Protocol (HCAP) and the Mexican Health and Aging Study (MHAS) Ancillary Study on Cognitive Aging (Mex-Cog). We used confirmatory factor analysis methodology to create statistically co-calibrated cognitive domains of memory and language. We performed differential item functioning (DIF) analysis to evaluate measurement differences across studies, using a cultural neuropsychological approach to identify comparable items across studies (i.e., cross-study anchors). We evaluated harmonized scores by examining their relationship to age and education in each study.
Results:
We included 3347 participants from the HRS-HCAP study [Mage=76.6(7.5), 60% female] and 2042 participants from the Mex-Cog study [Mage=68.1(9.0), 59% female]. Education was classified according to the International Standard Classification of Education in the following categories (HRS-HCAP and Mex-Cog, respectively): none or early childhood education: (0.7%; 50.5%), primary education (4.1%; 22.3%), lower secondary education (7.1%; 15.7%), upper secondary education (41.1%; 3.0%), and any college (47.1%; 8.5%). DIF analyses revealed that 5 out of the 7 memory items and 1 out of the 12 language items demonstrated statistical evidence of measurement differences across studies, meaning that these items measured each underlying cognitive construct differently across studies. After adjusting for DIF by not allowing the items with DIF to be cross-study anchors, harmonized memory and language scores showed generally the expected associations with age and education in each study. Increasing age was associated with lower memory (r=-0.40 in HRS-HCAP; r=-0.44 in Mex-Cog) and language (r=-0.31 in HRS-HCAP and r=-0.67 in Mex-Cog) scores. Increasing years of education was associated with better memory and language scores, with mean scores ranging from z=-0.86 and z=-0.29 among those with a primary education or lower to z=0.33 and z=0.90 among those with any college, for HRS-HCAP and Mex-Cog, respectively.
Conclusions:
A cultural neuropsychology approach to statistical harmonization facilitates the generation of harmonized measures of cognitive functioning in cross-national studies. Future work can utilize these harmonized cognitive scores to investigate determinants of late-life cognitive decline and dementia in the US and Mexico.
In this commentary we reflect on Shaalan, Eid, and Tourky's (2022) article in which they investigated the Chinese concept and practice of guanxi in the Middle East,1 a region in which wasta represents the common way of informal networking.2 While we encourage and welcome research into informal networks, we have serious concerns about the conceptual and methodological approaches taken by Shaalan et al. (2022) in investigating informal networks in the Middle East and explain herein why we do not believe guanxi should have been used in place of wasta.
The Harmonized Cognitive Assessment Protocol (HCAP) describes an assessment battery and a family of population-representative studies measuring neuropsychological performance. We describe the factorial structure of the HCAP battery in the US Health and Retirement Study (HRS).
Method:
The HCAP battery was compiled from existing measures by a cross-disciplinary and international panel of researchers. The HCAP battery was used in the 2016 wave of the HRS. We used factor analysis methods to assess and refine a theoretically driven single and multiple domain factor structure for tests included in the HCAP battery among 3,347 participants with evaluable performance data.
Results:
For the eight domains of cognitive functioning identified (orientation, memory [immediate, delayed, and recognition], set shifting, attention/speed, language/fluency, and visuospatial), all single factor models fit reasonably well, although four of these domains had either 2 or 3 indicators where fit must be perfect and is not informative. Multidimensional models suggested the eight-domain model was overly complex. A five-domain model (orientation, memory delayed and recognition, executive functioning, language/fluency, visuospatial) was identified as a reasonable model for summarizing performance in this sample (standardized root mean square residual = 0.05, root mean square error of approximation = 0.05, confirmatory fit index = 0.94).
Conclusions:
The HCAP battery conforms adequately to a multidimensional structure of neuropsychological performance. The derived measurement models can be used to operationalize notions of neurocognitive impairment, and as a starting point for prioritizing pre-statistical harmonization and evaluating configural invariance in cross-national research.
This article offers a synthesis of understandings of wasta, seen as a form of social network prevalent in the Arab Middle East. Whilst there has been increasing interest in this practice, research remains fragmented and has been criticised for its limited theoretical rigor. To address this issue, a systematic review of peer-reviewed journal articles exploring wasta published between 1993 and 2019 was conducted. We analysed the identified papers according to the theoretical lens from which wasta was viewed, creating a bridge between a theoretical focus on the macro aspect of wasta and an alternative focus on its micro aspects, leading to the development of a holistic model of wasta. The model also helps us to understand the complexity of wasta, both as the network itself and as the social ties that exist among its members, and sheds light on the complex nature of the role and interactions of the wasta. The findings respond to calls for more holistic and inclusive research to inform social networks research and bridge the micro–macro divide. This article offers recommendations to future researchers to build on the holistic and emic approach to wasta research adopted here.
Orientalism in the American context differs from its better-known British and Continental manifestations in some significant respects. Principal among these is the absence of anything like the centuries-long colonialist projects that rendered the inhabitants of distant lands of either the Near or the Far East as subjects – but not citizens – of Western empire. In this respect, America actually has something in common with India: both were victims of the commercial and imperial ambitions of Great Britain. The shared past probably has something to do with the imaginary attachment certain Americans entertained between themselves and the nations of the Far East: at different periods and in different ways, they believed that something of value might be gained by greater exposure to the political, religious and artistic traditions of China, India and Japan. The Near East not so much: better known today as the Middle East, it was after all the Holy Land, the very fount of Christianity that gave the Puritan settlers the strength and courage they needed to pursue the righteous life in the New World free of the hated strictures of Church and King.
Notions of decadence, decline, and decay are intrinsically linked to the history of art. The discipline’s three recognized forefathers ? Giorgio Vasari, Johann Joachim Winckelmann, and Heinrich Wölfflin ? all relied on the concept of decadence (and its antonym, progress) to make sense of the history of the visual arts and to evaluate the art of their times. A developmental model of art was central to the interpretative schemes of these art historians. In this organicist model, earlier developments prepare the stage for what comes later; and after a particular style flourishes for a time, its decline is inevitable as newer styles overtake it. Decadent artists such as Gustave Moreau and Aubrey Beardsley mock aesthetic standards and moral rules, precluding universal appreciation, and proudly so. Decadent artists and decadent audiences are estranged from their society and feel disdain for those who are scandalized by decadent art’s innovative form and immoral subject matter.
The Romans had a difficult relationship with the kind of luxury and excess that we think of as indicators of moral and social decadence. But in many ways they revelled in such luxury. Readily accepting the financial rewards of empire, they spent huge sums on their own benefits. Whether in the colossal public games in the amphitheatre and the circus, in the opulent imperial bath complexes, or in extravagant private villas, Romans of all social levels delighted in the very best that life was thought to offer. Chapter 1 examines how far the evidence supports this somewhat melodramatic view of Rome by looking at the ways in which luxury spread in the Roman world. It also looks at the ways this growth in luxury compelled the Romans to create new concepts to understand the phenomenon. Luxury was almost never seen as a simple index of increased wealth. Rather, it raised all manner of moral issues among Rome’s ruling classes, many of which long outlived the end of the Roman empire itself.
From its emergence in the mid-nineteenth century, decadence has been, fundamentally, a socio-cultural response to urban modernity. Indeed, decadence is all but unthinkable outside the borders of the modern metropolis. Hence this chapter treats literature less as a literary critic would and more as an urbanist thinker might. An urbanist reading of a decadent text must perforce pay attention not only to urban geography, including the plan of the city in which the work is set, its dominant architectural styles, socio-economic differences in neighborhoods, and so on, but also to the cultural, social, and psychological meanings that the urban setting produces in a particular decadent text. In this essay, the urbanist approach is brought to bear on three novels whose urban geography is especially significant to their respective narratives: Gabriele D’Annunzio’s Il Piacere [Pleasure] (1889), Oscar Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray (1891), and Thomas Mann’s Der Tod in Venedig [Death in Venice] (1912). These three works illustrate, respectively, the special relationship of the urban scene to cultural, social, and psychological issues germane to the decadent narrative of each novel.
Decadent works, decadent themes, and decadent personalities figure prominently in the history of film, not only because of screen adaptations of novels and plays (there are at least three versions of Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray and many more adaptations of Wilde’s plays), but also because of the proliferation of decadent themes and types, especially in the silent era. Examples include Theda Bara’s vamp persona and the frequent use of decadent settings for the silent mise-en-scène, such as pre-WWI Vienna in Erich von Stroheim’s The Wedding March (1928). Two key periods of decadence ? the Roman Empire and libertine France ? form the bases of the two modern films most identified with decadence: Federico Fellini’s Satyricon (1969) and Pier Paolo Pasolini’s Salò, or 120 Days of Sodom (1975). Some critics refer to Salò as the ‘last art film’ in cinema history, an assessment that reflects a sense that cinema itself has since entered a period of decadence. But time and again, some filmic form of ‘decadence’ has actually helped to enliven cinema and ensure its continuing artistic value.
In keeping with the nature of the Cambridge Critical Concepts series, the introduction establishes decadence as a concept. We show how the concept emerges from a combination of etymology and history, and how decadence cuts across and calls into question traditional literary categories, such as genre and periodization. We articulate the relevance of decadence to recent literary interests, such as gender politics and queer theory. Finally, we explain the rationale for the organization of the volume as an effort to ‘scale up’ and reset the parameters of decadence as a concept; preview the individual contributions to the collection; and clarify the structure of the volume: the origins of the concept of decadence, its development through nineteenth-century fields, and its application to various twentieth-century disciplines and literary modalities. The introduction concludes with commentary on the contemporary resonance of decadence today.
Decadence and Literature explains how the concept of decadence developed since Roman times into a major cultural trope with broad explanatory power. No longer just a term of opprobrium for mannered art or immoral behaviour, decadence today describes complex cultural and social responses to modernity in all its forms. From the Roman emperor's indulgence in luxurious excess as both personal vice and political control, to the Enlightenment libertine's rational pursuit of hedonism, to the nineteenth-century dandy's simultaneous delight and distaste with modern urban life, decadence has emerged as a way of taking cultural stock of major social changes. These changes include the role of women in forms of artistic expression and social participation formerly reserved for men, as well as the increasing acceptance of LGBTQ+ relationships, a development with a direct relationship to decadence. Today, decadence seems more important than ever to an informed understanding of contemporary anxieties and uncertainties.