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The literature has pointed out the negative aspects of political dynasties. But can political dynasties help prevent autocratic reversals? We argue that political dynasties differ according to their ideological origin and that those whose founder was a defender of democratic ideals, for simplicity labeled “pro-democratic dynasties,” show stronger support for democracy. We analyze the vote by the French parliament on 10 July 1940 of an enabling act that granted full power to Marshall Philippe Pétain, thereby ending the Third French Republic and aligning France with Nazi Germany. Using data collected from the biographies of parliamentarians and information on their voting behavior, we find that members of a pro-democratic dynasty were 9.6 to 15.1 percentage points more likely to oppose the act than other parliamentarians. We report evidence that socialization inside and outside parliament shaped the vote of parliamentarians.
This chapter offers a in-depth analysis of the attacks formulated against human rights in 1790 by Edmund Burke. For Burke, the mere idea of human rights is a subversive weapon since it takes non account of the content of demands for rights. Against this 'abstraction' or 'metaphysical' universality of human rights, Burke seeks to prove the existence of a superior law of historical circumstance. For Burke, human rights equate anarchy, tyranny and hypocrisy. In contrast, he defends the 'true rights of men' which means that each man have a right to benefit from society but which involve no individual equality. More precisely, there are two sides to Burke's critique of the rifghts of man: one we call 'prudential' and another we term 'cosmo-theological'. These two aspects meld into a philosophy of Prescription that furnishes Burke's counter model to human rights. Finally, we argue that Burke's amibiguities make it difficult to determine whether he is an utilitarian, a advocate of classical natural law or a forerunner of a new form of irrationalism and more difficult still to define Burke's relation with the liberal tradition.
Bonald and Maistre, theorists of a monarchist and Catholic counter-revolution, represent the purest incarnation of a radical rejection of human rights in the name of a political theology. According to Bonald, 'the Revolution started with the Declaration of the Rights of Man, and can end only with the declaration of the Rights of God'. Both believe that the transcendence of the sovereign and the law precludes all juridical, social and political equality. In Bonald's writings, the theological critique of human rights takes the form of a sociological critique. God is society by another name: Bonald affirms that 'there is no being outside society'. 'Society is a being' ans must as such - as an 'ensemble of relations and relationships' constitute the object of a 'science' : 'in society, there are no rights, but only duties'. In Maistre's view, sovereign power is indissociable from the national identity that gives it its shape, historical legitimacy and 'mission'. The rights of man negates the 'law of nations' (jus gentium). With this, Maistre reaffirms the unreality of human rights. The fact that the French Revolution led directly into a 'civil war of the human race' was to, him, no coincidence.
Despite their significant differences, Jeremy Bentham and Auguste Comte represent the two main advocates of an utilitarian and progressivist critique of human rights. In Bentham, this critique finds its liberal incarnation since he stresses the pre-eminence of collective utility as the agregation of individual utilities. Bentham dismisses the notion of man's natural rights as a "Nonsense Upon Stilts" which lead to anarchy, tyranny and selfishness. Comte represents the social incarnation of this utilitarian and progressivist critique of human rights since he considers social utility as the utility of the whole social body understood as an indivisible organism greater than the sum of its parts. Comte differs from Bentham since for the former the structuring principle of an industrial society is not 'individual self-interest' but the optimal development of human activities depending on their means and ends. In the last part of the chapter, we move from Bentham and Comte to elucidate the links between 'social rights" and 'individual rights' .
In a recent work, David Leopold mounted an attack on a theory long treated as received wisdom: the notion that Marxist thought is radically opposed to human rights claims. This thought-provoking revision is not enough to invalidate Marx’s early critiques of human rights, which became more categorical in his mature writings. Yet we can identify a logical weakness in Marx’s thought on the subject whilst fully recognising that the author of Capital was no positive advocate of rights either. The basic paradox is this: how can individual emancipation – the ultimate goal of communism in Marx’s view – be achieved without rights being demanded? This question opens the way for a rethinking of Marxist ideas on human emancipation as part of the tradition of human rights – Marx’s own critiques of that tradition notwithstanding.
Hannah Arendt's piece on the "right to have rights" furnishes two distinct reading in French political philosophy that correspond respectively with two contemporary crittiques of human rights. According to the first interpretation, which cast Arendt in a conservative mould, human rights never exist except as the rights of the nationals. According to a second interpretation, coming from the radical left, Arendt's writings show that human rights are a kind of duplicitous humanism inextricably linked to the assertion of sovereign violence. In counterpoise to these interpretations, we show taht Arendt's texts neither devaluate abstract humanism, nor launch an assault on hypocrisy in human rights rhetoric, nor restrict human rights to the framework of a national collectivity. Finally, we foreground alternative French readings suggesting that Arendt's work in fact embodies a "political" conception of human rights.
This chapter offers an overview of the arguments made against human rights in contemporary French and Anglo-American political thought. It carefully dissociates critiques of human rights in themselves from the attacks on the use made of tham in today democratic societies. The fisrt strain of thought, which we term "antimodern" takes issue with the declarations of the XVIIIth century and beyond this with the very idea of a subjective right which it alleges is a corruption of the legal concept. A second and very different strain of thought endorses the principles of legal democracy but denies the destructive effects of their primacy in our societies. This "communitarian" critique stresses that today "individual rights" have lost their earlier collective nature and that their use has become one of causes of social dissolution. A third "radical" critique is less concerned with the dangers of social fragmentation than with the ideological and disciplinary fonction of a discourse of rights which they see as turning back on the promise of emancipation.
An amibiguity can arise from the idea of popular sovereignty interpreted as national sovereignty: the people-nation subsumes the man-citizen and it becomes possible to invoke a nationalist idea of democracy against human rights, allowing democracy to be reconceived within counter-revolutionary arguments. Carl Schmitt is the theorist who brought the greatest coherence and radicalism to this line of enquiry. He did so above all in a series of works from 1923-1928, forcing the issue of the choice between democarcy and liberalism as opposing ideas. Schmitt recognizes the impossibility of restoring traditional hierarchies whilst at the same time ploughing the themes of the counter-revolutionary critique of individualism backs into a defence of democracy as a regime of political production of popular will. He argues that democracy is not the regime of equal rights in the sense of human rights: the principle of individual liberty as universal right cannot provide the basis for political community. Democracy does not mean the equality of all as apolitical individuals, but the equality of citizens within a given people - equality as 'national homogeneity' which requires the fondations of the 'politics of hostility'.
The conclusion first responds to the contemporary critiques of human rights . The "communitarian" critique draws attention to the danger of fragmentation inherent in a culture of rights. Against this argument, we argue that the surest bulkwark against spineless individualism remains democratic self-organization of the society through mobilisation for rights. The "radical" critique focuses on the ideological and disciplinary dimension of rights discourse. Against this, we argue that "leftits" critiques of human rights forget that campaigns for rights can be a force of emancipation. In the second part, we elaborate a "political conception" of human rights which is closely connected with "radical democracy". However, we differ from philosophers of an "agonistic" democracy since our conception also include the three conditions of autonomy which are a legal personality, the existence of institutions and that of a shared world.
In The Last Utopia (2010), Samuel Moyn claims that a/ the Rights of Man almost disappeared from European political thought in the nineteenth century and b/ what we call human rights today have (almost) nothing to do with the Rights of Man proclaimed at the end of the eighteenth century. Taking France as our case study, we demonstrate firstly that although the language of human rights unquestionably waned in the nineteenth century, Europeans nevertheless remained clearly aware of it. Secondly, we refute the idea of a rigid dichotomy between the ‘Rights of Man’ and today human rights. In addition, we show that Moyn’s argument echoes the works of some French political philosophers who also consider human rights today as a sort of antipolitical utopia carried along by purely moral aspirations.
The first systematic analysis of the arguments made against human rights from the French Revolution to the present day. Through the writings of Edmund Burke, Jeremy Bentham, Auguste Comte, Louis de Bonald, Joseph de Maistre, Karl Marx, Carl Schmitt and Hannah Arendt, the authors explore the divergences and convergences between these 'classical' arguments against human rights and the contemporary critiques made both in Anglo-American and French political philosophy. Human Rights on Trial is unique in its marriage of history of ideas with normative theory, and its integration of British/North American and continental debates on human rights. It offers a powerful rebuttal of the dominant belief in a sharp division between human rights today and the rights of man proclaimed at the end of the eighteenth century. It also offers a strong framework for a democratic defence of human rights.
The thermal transport in amorphous/crystalline silicon superlattices with means of molecular dynamics is presented in the current study. The procedure used to build such structures is discussed. Then, thermal conductivity of various samples is studied as a function of the periodicity of regular superlattices and of the applied temperature. Preliminarily results show that for regular amorphous/crystalline superlattices, the amorphous regions control the heat transfer within the structures. Secondly, in the studied cases thermal conductivity weakly varies with the temperature. This, points out the presence of a majority of non-propagating vibrational modes in such systems.
Endothelial dysfunction is a turning point in the initiation and development of atherosclerosis and its complications and is predictive of future cardiovascular events. Ingestion of high-carbohydrate or high-fat meals often results in postprandial hyperglycaemia and/or hypertriacylglycerolaemia that may lead to a transient impairment in endothelial function. The present review will discuss human studies evaluating the impact of high-carbohydrate and high-fat challenges on postprandial endothelial function as well as the potential role of oxidative stress in such postprandial metabolic alterations. Moreover, the present review will differentiate the postprandial endothelial and oxidative impact of meals rich in varying fatty acid types.
The Gulf of St. Lawrence aster, Symphyotrichum laurentianum (Fernald) G.L. Nesom (Asteraceae), a small annual halophyte endemic to disturbed and highly transient habitats in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, is classified as “threatened” by the Committee on the Status of Endangered Wildlife in Canada. Lepidopteran larvae that are predispersal seed predators of the Gulf of St. Lawrence aster are reported for the first time from populations in Prince Edward Island National Park. DNA barcoding was used to identify the seed predators tentatively as larvae of the casebearing moth Coleophora triplicis McDunnough (Lepidoptera: Coleophoridae), which is typically associated with a related halophyte, Solidago sempervirens L. (Asteraceae). These larvae were found to consume a large proportion of seeds from one of two aster populations in Prince Edward Island National Park and may be yet another risk to the survival of this threatened species.
We propose a numerical solution to incorporate in the simulation of a system of conservation laws boundary conditions that come from a microscopic modeling in the small mean free path regime. The typical example we discuss is the derivation of the Euler system from the BGK equation. The boundary condition relies on the analysis of boundary layers formation that accounts from the fact that the incoming kinetic flux might be far from the thermodynamic equilibrium.
Up to now, no case of spontaneous sex reversal has been described in the urodele amphibian Pleurodeles waltl reared at ambient temperature. However in offspring reared under laboratory conditions, males, females but also intersex individuals were obtained. The males, some females and the intersexes had the ZZ male genotype identified through a test performed with a sex-linked enzyme. The other females had the ZW female genotype. Using the animals of this particular strain, an offspring analysis was made on crosses between, respectively, ZZ males and ZW females, ZZ males and ZZ females, and ZZ intersexes and ZZ males or females. All these crosses gave ZZ males, ZZ females and ZZ intersexes. The spontaneous complete or partial sex reversal is inheritable, but the genetic mechanism of this inheritance has not yet been elucidated.