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The relationship between frailty and glycemic control in older adults with diabetes remains uncertain, mainly due to the fact that previous studies have not accounted for measures of body composition. In older adults with diabetes, we examined the association between three types of frailty measures and glycemic control, while accounting for fat-free mass (FFM) and waist circumference (WC). Eighty older adults (age ≥65, 27 women and 53 men, mean age 80.5 ± 0.6 years) had gait speed, Cardiovascular Health Study Index (CHSI), Rockwood Clinical Frailty Scale (RCFS), and glycosylated hemoglobin (HgA1C) measured. HgA1C showed a negative association only with CHSI (standardized β = −0.255 ± 0.120, p = 0.038), but no association with gait speed or the RCFS. Even after accounting for FFM and WC, we demonstrated a negative association between glycated hemoglobin and increasing frailty in older adults with diabetes.
In the absence of treatments to halt or reverse symptoms of Alzheimer's disease, early detection may extend the window for meaningful treatment, advanced planning, and coping. Positron emission tomography (PET) scans for amyloid and tau are validated biomarkers of AD, yet results are rarely disclosed to participants due to concerns about negative impacts. While prior studies suggest limited anxiety, depression, or suicidality following biomarker disclosure, no study to date has examined broader psychological impacts of PET amyloid/tau disclosure to symptomatic individuals. Therefore, we explored post-disclosure changes in future time perspective (perceptions of limited time or possibilities left in the future), self-efficacy for managing symptoms, and perceived stigma as a function of result received.
Participants and Methods:
Forty-three older adults (age = 72.0±6.2 years; education = 16.5±2.6; 88.4% White Non-Hispanic; 48.8% female) participated in the study, of whom 62.8% were diagnosed with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) and the remainder with Dementia of the Alzheimer's type. All participants underwent pre-disclosure biomarker education and decisional capacity assessment, followed by baseline measures. Participants demonstration decisional capacity completed an interactive disclosure session during which they received dichotomous results of their research positron emission tomography (PET) scans for amyloid and tau (elevated versus not elevated for each biomarker). Findings were discussed in relation to presence/absence of Alzheimer's disease, the etiology of their cognitive difficulties, and risk for conversion or further decline. At baseline, immediately following disclosure, and at 1-week follow-up, participants completed several questionnaires: the Future Time Perspective (FTP) scale, a measure of how much the participant sees time as limited, the Self Efficacy for Managing Chronic Disease scale (SECD), and the Stigma Scale for Chronic Illness (SSCI-8), all of which were modified to apply to Alzheimer's disease and associated experiences.
Results:
The main effects of time (F=1.10, p=.334, A?p2=.026), biomarker status (F(1)=3.10, p=.086, Ajp2=.070), and the time by biomarker status interaction (F=0.39, p=.661, Ajp2=.009) on FTP score was not significant. Though neither time (F=0.07, p=.933, A?p2=.002) nor the time by biomarker status interaction (F=2.16, p=.122, Ajp2=.050) effect on SECD was significant, being biomarker positive (A+T-/A+T+) was associated with lower self-efficacy (F(1)=5.641, p=.022, Ajp2=.121). Neither main effect for time (F=0.15, p=.853, Ajp2=.004) or biomarker status (F(1)=0.35, p=.558, A?p2=.009) on SSCI-8 was significant. The time by biomarker status interaction was significant (f=4.27, p=.018, =.096), such that biomarker negative participants experience a transient increase in perceived stigma directly after disclosure that resolves one week later, and biomarker negative participants experience the opposite pattern.
Conclusions:
Findings suggest that individuals who receive biomarker positive results may feel less competent to manage their symptoms compared to those who are biomarker negative, emphasizing the need for post-disclosure interventions targeting self-efficacy. The effect of disclosure on perceptions of time being limited and on perceived stigma were minimal, even when those results indicate evidence of Alzheimer's disease and risk for clinical progression. These results further support the safety of biomarker disclosure procedures. Future studies should provide longer-term assessment of psychological, behavioral, and clinical outcomes following Alzheimer's disease biomarker disclosure.
Cognitive difficulties are amongst the most frequently reported sequelae following COVID-19 infection, even in those experiencing mild to moderate illness (Matos et al., 2021). Recent research has identified patterns of diminished cognitive performance on tests of memory and executive functioning in COVID-19 cases; however, the etiology of neurocognitive difficulties remains unclear (Delgado-Alonso et al., 2022). Emerging evidence has identified moderate associations between decreased performance on neuropsychological tests of memory and elevated anxiety and depression symptom reporting in COVID-19 patients. Similar associations are well-established in the literature in persons with anxiety and depression disorders, warranting further investigation as to whether mental health variables such as internalizing symptom severity may moderate the association between COVID-19 illness and cognitive difficulties. This study examined how internalizing symptoms as indexed by depression and anxiety symptom scales may differentially influence performance on neuropsychological tests of memory between persons who have and have not had COVID-19.
Participants and Methods:
In this cross-sectional study, 104 adults aged 19-80, were recruited in Ontario and British Columbia, Canada; 84 adults met inclusion criteria and participated in neuropsychological testing. There were 40 participants who tested positive for COVID-19 infection (N=44 with no suspected exposures or confirmed diagnosis of COVID-19). Participants had no history of dementia, mild cognitive impairment, or other known neurological disorder. Anxiety and depression symptoms were measured using the Generalized Anxiety Disorder-7 (GAD-7) and Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) via self-report on Qualtrics. Memory encoding and delayed recognition performance were assessed using the Hopkins Verbal Learning Test Revised (HVLT-R) and the Neuropsychological Assessment Battery Shape Learning subtest (NAB-SL). To test for potential moderating effects of anxiety and depression symptoms on the association between COVID-19 infection status and memory performance, a series of multiple linear regressions were conducted. Age and sex were included as covariates in all analyses.
Results:
Moderation analyses revealed that the interaction between COVID-19 infection and anxiety symptoms accounted for a significant portion of variance in both HVLT-R recognition (B= -0.78, SE= 0.34, p<0.05) and NAB-SL delayed recognition scores (B= -0.83, SE= 0.35, p<0.05). Simple slopes analyses revealed that among participants who tested positive for COVID-19 infection, higher GAD-7 scores were associated with lower verbal and visual recognition scores. A similar interaction was observed between COVID-19 and depressive symptoms in accounting for variance in NAB-SL delayed recognition scores, however, for that model the threshold of p=0.05 was not met in our small sample (p=0.07).
Conclusions:
Findings demonstrate that anxiety symptom severity had a moderating effect on the impact of COVID-19 on delayed retrieval of verbal and visual information from memory. Future work in a larger sample is needed to further elucidate the potential moderating role of depression on memory in COVID-19 positive persons, as the current work suggests that depression symptoms could have a similar impact as anxiety. Further identifying the relationships between key modifiable psychological factors such as anxiety and memory following COVID-19 infection will provide insight into potential interventions to minimize the negative effects of internalizing symptoms on long-term cognitive outcomes.
There are many potential benefits of early identification of those with Alzheimer’s disease (AD), including more opportunity for early intervention to slow AD progression (e.g., treatment, lifestyle changes, etc.) and to plan for the future. Positron emission tomography (PET) scans for abnormal amyloid and tau are commonly conducted in research settings. Despite strong interest in learning AD biomarker results, participants rarely receive their research data, in part due to concern about the possibility of undue distress based on results. We aimed to explore both positive and negative emotional reactions following PET biomarker disclosure as a function of result received.
Participants and Methods:
Forty-three older adults (age = 72.0±6.21 years, education = 16.5±2.62 years, 49% Female, 88% White Non-Hispanic) completed PET amyloid and tau testing and disclosure. Sixty-three percent were diagnosed with mild cognitive impairment (MCI) while the remainder of participants were diagnosed with Dementia Alzheimer’s type (DAT). Participants completed pre-disclosure biomarker education and a decisional capacity assessment followed by baseline measures. Participants then completed a disclosure session where they received personal PET amyloid and tau results on an elevated vs. not elevated scale for each ligand. Results were discussed in relation to presence/absence of Alzheimer’s disease, how the result relates to their cognitive difficulties, and risk of developing Dementia-Alzheimer’s Type. At baseline (pre-disclosure), immediately post-disclosure, and 1-week post-disclosure, participants completed the Beck Anxiety Inventory (BAI), The Geriatric Depression Scale - 15 Item (GDS-15), Impact of Neuroimaging in AD (INI-AD) Scale, and the Positive and Negative Affective Scale - Short Form (PANAS-SF). All questionnaires were modified to apply to Alzheimer’s disease and related experiences.
Results:
Of the 43 participants who participated in disclosure, 74% received biomarker positive results (either A+T- or A+T+); all others were biomarker negative. We conducted a series of mixed analysis of variance (ANOVA) tests to determine the effect of disclosure and biomarker status for each of the outcomes of interest. Neither the effect of time nor the time by biomarker status interaction was significant for any of the outcomes (all p>.05). The main effect of biomarker status was significant for BAI (F(1)=5.12, p=.031, n,p2=.146) and INI-AD Distress (F(1)=12.70, p=.001, np2=.241) and Positive (F(1)=34.57, p<.001, np2=.464) subscale scores with A+T-/A+T+ participants reporting higher negative affect than those who were A-/T-; however, even among biomarker positive individuals, scores did not exceed clinical thresholds. GDS-15, PANAS-Negative and Positive Subscale scores did not differ significantly by biomarker status (all p>.05) and no significant adverse events occurred following disclosure. Additionally, no participants cited regret about receiving their results.
Conclusions:
While disclosure of biomarker positivity may result in mild increases in acute anxiety or distress, or fewer positive emotions, it does not result in clinically significant emotional reactions and was not associated with regret. Overall, findings are consistent with literature indicating safety of biomarker disclosure procedures for symptomatic individuals. Future research should follow participants over longer periods to evaluate the impacts of biomarker disclosure.
Neurocognitive deficits commonly occur following pediatric stroke and can impact many neuropsychological domains. Despite awareness of these deleterious effects, neurocognitive outcome after pediatric stroke, especially hemorrhagic stroke, is understudied. This clinical study aimed to elucidate the impact of eight factors identified in the scientific literature as possible predictors of neurocognitive outcome following pediatric stroke: age at stroke, stroke type (i.e., ischemic vs. hemorrhagic), lesion size, lesion location (i.e., brain region, structures impacted, and laterality), time since stroke, neurologic severity, seizures post-stroke, and socioeconomic status.
Participants and Methods:
Ninety-two patients, ages six to 25 and with a history of pediatric stroke, chose to participate in the study and were administered standardized neuropsychological tests assessing verbal reasoning, abstract reasoning, working memory, processing speed, attention, learning ability, long-term memory, and visuomotor integration. A standardized parent questionnaire provided an estimate of executive functioning. Statistical analyses included spline regressions to examine the impact of age at stroke and lesion size, further divided by stroke type; a series of one-way analysis of variance to examine differences in variables with three levels; Welch’s t-tests to examine dichotomous variables; and simple linear regressions for continuous variables.
Results:
Lesion size, stroke type, age at stroke, and socioeconomic status were identified as predictors of neurocognitive outcome in our sample. Large lesions were associated with worse neurocognitive outcomes compared to small to medium lesions across neurocognitive domains. Exploratory spline regressions suggested that ischemic stroke was associated with worse neurocognitive outcomes than hemorrhagic stroke. Based on patterns shown in graphs, age at stroke appeared to have an impact on outcome depending on the neurocognitive domain and stroke type, with U-shaped trends suggesting worse outcome across most domains when stroke occurred at approximately 5 to 10 years of age. Socioeconomic status positively predicted outcomes across most neurocognitive domains. Participants with seizures had more severe executive functioning impairments than youth without seizures. Youth with combined cortical-subcortical lesions scored lower on abstract reasoning than youth with cortical and youth with subcortical lesions, and lower on attention than youth with cortical lesions. Neurologic severity predicted scores on abstract reasoning, attention, processing speed, and visuomotor integration, depending on stroke type. There was no evidence of differences on outcome measures based on time since stroke, lesion laterality, or lesion region defined as supra-versus infratentorial.
Conclusions:
The current study contributed to the scientific literature by identifying lesion size, stroke type, age at stroke, and socioeconomic status as predictors of neurocognitive outcome following pediatric stroke. Future research should examine other possible predictors of neurocognitive outcome that remain unexplored. Multisite collaborations would provide larger sample sizes and allow teams to build models with better statistical power and more predictors. Enhancing understanding of neurocognitive outcomes following pediatric stroke is a first step towards improving appraisals of prognosis.
Findings are clinically applicable as they provide professionals with information that can help assess individual expected patterns of recovery and thus refer patients to appropriate support services.
Many individuals with COVID-19 develop mild to moderate physical symptoms that can last days to months. In addition to physical symptoms, individuals with COVID-19 have reported depressive symptoms and cognitive decline, posing a long-term threat to mental health and functional outcomes. Few studies have examined the presence of co-occurring depression and subjective cognitive decline in individuals who tested positive for COVID-19. The current study examined whether having COVID-19 is subsequently associated with greater depressive symptoms and subjective cognitive decline when compared to healthy individuals. Our study also examined differential associations between symptoms of depression and subjective cognitive decline between individuals who have and have never had COVID-19.
Participants and Methods:
Adults (N = 104; mean age = 37 years, 69% female) were recruited online from Ontario and British Columbia, Canada. Participants were categorized into two groups: (1) persons who tested positive for COVID-19 at least three months prior, had been symptomatic, and had not been ventilated (N = 50); and (2) persons who have never been suspected of having COVID-19 (N = 54). The Center for Epidemiological Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) and the Subjective Cognitive Decline Questionnaire (SCD-Q) were administered to both groups as part of a larger clinical neuropsychological evaluation. Two separate linear regression analyses were conducted to examine the association of COVID-19 with depressive symptoms and subjective cognitive decline. A moderation analysis was performed to examine whether depressive symptoms were associated with subjective cognitive decline and the extent to which this differed by group (COVID-19 and controls). Participants’ age, self-reported sex, and history of depression were included as covariates.
Results:
The first regression model explained 17.2% of the variance in CES-D scores. It was found that the COVID-19 group had significantly higher CES-D scores (ß = .20, p = .03). The second regression model explained 35.9% of the variance in SCD-Q scores. Similar to the previous model, it was found that the COVID-19 group had significantly higher SCD-Q scores compared to healthy controls (ß = .22 p = .01). Lastly, the moderation model indicated that higher CES-D scores were associated with higher SCD-Q scores (ß = .43, p < .01), but there was no statistically significant group X CES-D score interaction.
Conclusions:
These findings suggest that individuals who previously experienced a mild to moderate symptomatic COVID-19 infection report greater depressive symptom severity as well as greater subjective cognitive decline. Additionally, while more severe depressive symptoms predicted greater subjective cognitive decline in our sample, the magnitude of this association did not vary between those with and without a previous COVID-19 infection. While the underlying neurobiological and social mechanisms of cognitive difficulties and depressive symptoms in persons who have had COVID-19 have yet to be fully elucidated, our findings highlight treatment for depression and cognitive rehabilitation as potentially useful intervention targets for the post COVID-19 condition.
What is the line between the ancient and medieval worlds? 330? 476? 800? Most historians acknowledge that these are arbitrary distinctions, but they remain nevertheless, taking on lives of their own. Alex Feldman challenging us to see them as the same world, except for the imposition of a given monotheism.
In this process, he studies top-down, monotheistic conversions in Western Eurasia and their respective mythologisations, preserved both textually and archaeologically, serving as the foundation of recognisable state-formation.
Applying this idea to Byzantium's policies around the Black and Caspian Seas, he reveals how what we today call the 'Migration-Age' continued perpetually up to the Mongolian invasions and perhaps later. This book enhances our understanding, not only of Western history, but presents it in the context of global monotheisation.
Infants and children born with CHD are at significant risk for neurodevelopmental delays and abnormalities. Individualised developmental care is widely recognised as best practice to support early neurodevelopment for medically fragile infants born premature or requiring surgical intervention after birth. However, wide variability in clinical practice is consistently demonstrated in units caring for infants with CHD. The Cardiac Newborn Neuroprotective Network, a Special Interest Group of the Cardiac Neurodevelopmental Outcome Collaborative, formed a working group of experts to create an evidence-based developmental care pathway to guide clinical practice in hospital settings caring for infants with CHD. The clinical pathway, “Developmental Care Pathway for Hospitalized Infants with Congenital Heart Disease,” includes recommendations for standardised developmental assessment, parent mental health screening, and the implementation of a daily developmental care bundle, which incorporates individualised assessments and interventions tailored to meet the needs of this unique infant population and their families. Hospitals caring for infants with CHD are encouraged to adopt this developmental care pathway and track metrics and outcomes using a quality improvement framework.
“The crisis consists precisely in the fact that the old is dying and the new cannot be born; in this interregnum a great variety of morbid symptoms appear.”
Antonio Gramsci, 1930, Quaderni del carcere, Einaudi
The story of the development of Christendom, specifically Byzantium’s portion of it (the Byzantine commonwealth, or oikoumene), is a familiar one; it unfolds across Pontic-Caspian Eurasia. But like all great historical trajectories, it had an inchoate period subject to great debates. These discussions typically hinge on the question: how should we interpret the imperial relationship with the populations of Pontic-Caspian Eurasia throughout their respective ninth- to tenth-century monotheisations? Obolensky supposed the process of establishing the Orthodox commonwealth to have begun in about the sixth century, but was it exclusively Orthodox? And did it actually begin c. 500 as Obolensky supposed, or could it be argued that it began instead with ninth- to tenth-century Byzantine Christianisation? This has major implications for our discussions of both ethnicity and sovereignty in the framework of top-down adoptions of monotheism – in this case, of Byzantine Christianity.
Yet the successful Rus’ Christianisation was possible because of the failure of political détente between Byzantium and Khazaria following the latter’s attempted Judaisation, since tenth- to eleventh-century Byzantine policy was able to expand its ecclesiastical administration in Pontic-Caspian Eurasia only by abandoning the attempts at Christianising Khazaria. Along with the Almušids’ Islamisation, the late-tenth-century Rjurikids’ increasing embrace of Byzantine Orthodox Christianity contributed to Khazaria’s isolation and decline, which is demonstrated in emperor Konstantinos VII Porphyrogennetos’ mid-tenth-century DAI. Because Khazaria’s disappearance was central to the monotheistic foundations of several other dynasties (Rjurikids, Almušids, Piasts, etc.), the topic is the last major debate about Khazaria concerning the larger themes of ethnicity and sovereignty amid the monotheisation of Pontic-Caspian Eurasia.
Khazaria’s Decline and Disappearance
The word ‘decline’ is frequently, if contentiously used by historians. My advisor at the University of Birmingham was not fond of the word. Despite wide disagreement about the word’s usage, it fulfils the vague function of defining certain periods, even if the word choice is seldom explained.
They say that the generation of mankind by means of one another is a more recent work of nature, but that the more original and ancient mode of their birth is out of the earth, since she both is and is considered the mother of all men. And they say that those men who are celebrated among the Greeks as having sprung from seed were produced and grew up as trees do now, being perfect and completely armed sons of the earth. But that this is a mere fiction of fable it is easy to see from many circumstances.
Philo of Alexandria, De Æternitate Mundi (57–8).
O mankind! Truly We created you from a male and a female, and We made you peoples and tribes that you may come to know one another. Surely the most noble of you before God are the most reverent of you. Truly God is Knowing, Aware.
Qur’an, sūrat al-Ḥujurāt (49:13).
Having analysed the monotheisation of Khazaria, this chapter embarks on similar analyses of other case studies in eighth- to eleventh-century Pontic-Caspian Eurasia. Considering nationalist, Soviet and other scholarship, we will re-examine the relationship between sedentarism and nomadism, monotheism and polytheism, and economic maturation from essentially looting, to collecting tribute, to taxation of local tribal populations in Pontic-Caspian Eurasia.
Can we assume local populations had inherent allegiances to one suzerain or another? Did these populations regard themselves as united just because they were all bound to the same suzerain, whether Khazar, Volga Bulgar, Magyar, Pečeneg or Rus’? Alternatively, was sharing an assumed common language with the suzerain, an imagined ethnolinguistic affiliation, an expression of loyalty to a given suzerain, as maintained by traditional scholarship?
It cannot be assumed that the local populations which had earlier paid tribute to Khazaria (Slavic-speaking or otherwise) would eventually become Russian, or that other populations in what later became Volgia Bulgaria or the kingdom of Hungary bore loyalty to a given leader from some ethnolinguistic allegiance imagined by modern scholarship.
Man was born to turn the world into a paradise, but tragically, he was born flawed. And so his paradise has always been soiled by stupidity, greed, destructiveness, and shortsightedness.
The long, complicated and toxically disjointed story of Gog and Magog, from the Old Testament to current anti-Semitic narratives, is fraught with misleading ethnonational, conspiracy and prophetic theorising. It began with the Book of Ezekiel and continued in Christian and Islamic sources which attributed the legend of Gog and Magog to Khazaria.
Magog originates in the Table of Nations (Genesis 10), where he is listed as a son of Japheth, son of Noah, brother of Gomer, Meshech and Tubal and uncle of Togarmah, among others. The name Gog first appears in 1 Chronicles 1:5 in a repetition of the Table of Nations. Ezekiel 38–9 explains that a certain Gog, in the land of Magog, presumably descended from Noah’s grandson, came with a large army, including the descendants of Gomer and Togarmah, against Israel from the vague far north. In Ezekiel, Gog is merely a single inhabitant (or perhaps a tribe) of the land of Magog whose name derives from the original Magog in Genesis 10 (possibly an adaptation of the seventh-century-BCE Lydian king Gyges). Whereas the original Hebrew mentioned ‘Gog from Magog’, the Septuagint rendered the wording ‘Gog and Magog’.
Gog and Magog feature heavily in Judaic, Christian and Islamic eschatologies. In Judaic and Christian eschatologies, they are last mentioned in Revelation 20:8, an eschatological tract about their release from the four corners of the earth by Satan after Christ’s thousand-year reign (the end of time). In his Antiquities of the Jews, Josephus equates Gog and Magog with the Scythians. In Islamic eschatology, Gog and Magog surface in the Qur’an 21:96 (as Ya’juj and Ma’juj), which relates that these two evil tribes will break out of their imprisonment by Dul-Qarnayn (meaning ‘the double-horned’; usually identified as Alexander of Macedon [the Great]) at the end of time and ravage the earth before being wiped out by divine disease.
The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before, precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed language.
Karl Marx, 18th Brumaire of Louis Napoleon
За десять лет меняется всё, а за двести лет ничего не меняется.
In ten years, everything changes; in two hundred years, nothing changes.
Pjotr Stolypin
In the year 987, the Roman emperor Basileios II Porphyrogennetos was surrounded on all sides in his palace in Constantinople – New Rome (Nova Roma). His bookish progenitors had allowed caudillos and generalissimos (in Greek, κηδϵμόνϵς) to rule in their stead for the past several generations, and his misguided attempt in 986 to prove his mettle against the Bulgars at the Battle of Trajan’s Gate resulted in the disgruntlement of the military officers who had once fought for his predecessors’ generalissimos. Now two of them (Bardas Skleros and Bardas Phokas) were steadily bearing down on Constantinople from the Anatolian heartland, bolstered by thousands of Armenian crack troops unhappy with imperial Chalcedonian Christianity. All of Anatolia seemed to have deserted Basileios, and with it, imperial provinces in Crimea most likely seeking greater autonomy. Court historians like Leon Diakonos looked back to the times of the generalissimos with nostalgia while poets like Ioannes Geometres lamented the sullying of imperial authority and berated the Romans as ‘Thracians’. Cornered, Basileios sent a desperate delegation to some Viking named Vladimir faraway in Kiev asking for military support in exchange for the hand of his sister – the princess Anna Porphyrogennete – a prize so valuable that not even the western emperor, Otto III, was allowed her. The price? Accept Christianity immediately and conquer Cherson (Sevastopol’) – most probably on Basileios’ behalf.
No one knows exactly how many inhabitants of Kiev were baptised in the Dniepr that day; sources differ on the exact story.
‘The silver is mine and the gold is mine’, declares the LORD Almighty.
Haggai 2:8 (NIV)
In the seventh to ninth centuries, the Islamic caliphs, Roman/Byzantine emperors and Khazarian khağans minted coins which proclaimed their respective monotheistic affiliations: Islam, Christianity and Judaism. This chapter explores how gold and silver coin reforms representing divinity were a major departure from previous coins which primarily represented rulers. The first section, ‘Empires of Faith and their Finances’, charts the confessional coin reforms of these three ‘empires of faith’ from the late seventh century to Khazaria’s Moses coins of the late 830s. The second section, ‘Coinage and “Commonwealth” (Ninth to Eleventh Century): the Ummah and the Oikoumene’, expands to include the monotheistic coinages of some eleventh- to thirteenth-century peripheral dynasties within the Islamic ummah and the Christian oikoumene and explores hints of Judaic involvement in otherwise Islamic and Christian mints across the worlds of both Islam and Christendom.
Empires of Faith and their Finances
According to the mid-tenth-century De Ceremoniis, emperor Konstantinos VII ranked the Khazarian khağan after the Christian Roman emperor and the Islamic caliph in importance based on weight in gold on correspondence seals. These empires of faith minted coins to display their respective official monotheisms as seventh- to ninth-century top-down political programmes. As a ‘third force’, Khazarian coin reforms should be considered alongside the other two Abrahamic ecumenical empires.
Having conquered lands inhabited by erstwhile Roman subjects, early caliphs beginning with the Prophet Mohammed mostly avoided coin reforms. This changed in the years 696–7 under caliph ‘Abd al-Malik, when the first purely Islamic coin, a gold dinar, appeared, manifesting the supremacy of the Shahada in Arabic, being the coins’ only reference. This coinage initiated a period of expressly Islamic reforms for coinage and other domestic policies. Along with the coin reforms, these Islamisation policies were primarily reflected in the adoption of Arabic as the ruling language, dislodging ‘Greek, Latin, Coptic, and Pehlevi’. While ‘Abd al-Malik was not the first to attempt coin reform, historians still debate whether his policies influenced Byzantine iconoclasm.
The feeling of affinity, the participation in a common culture and tradition, the awareness of a common destiny, which are of the essence of national sentiment and patriotism, are transformed by nationalism into a political mysticism in which the national community and the state become superhuman entities, apart from, and superior to, their individual members, entitled to absolute loyalty and, like the idols of old, deserving of the sacrifice of men and goods.
Across historiography, Pečenegs, Oğuz, Cuman-Qıpčaqs and other nomads have been cast within a binary: as either enemies of civilisation or manifesting cooperation between Rus’ and the Eurasian steppe. The former interpretation, common in Russian literature for centuries, plays into the standard Christian-versus-pagan dichotomy. The latter interpretation is newer, and became an essential component of the Eurasianist school of Soviet and post-Soviet historiography led by Lev Gumilëv, which has reflected recent ethnonational geopolitics.
The commonly accepted interpretation of steppe-nomads in traditional Russian historiography derives from the PVL, which depicts the Polovcÿ (Cuman-Qıpčaqs) in the entries for the years 1068, 1093 and 1096 as a ‘hostile force’ bent on invasion. Similarly, the sedentary and Christianised Russian narrative is presented by the compilers as demonstrating supremacy over steppe-nomads. When inserted into the Orthodox Christian template to explain pagan-nomad victories against Christians, it became a divine punishment, resembling Jordanes’ interpretation of Attila’s Huns. Regarded as the ‘Mongol yoke’, this interpretation survived into the Soviet period. So deeply held was this interpretation, that Gumilëv called it the ‘black legend’. Gumilëv’s concept of ‘Eurasianism’ advocates a primordial ethnic alliance between the ancient Rus’ and the steppe-nomads (Pečenegs, Cuman-Qıpčaqs, Oğuz, etc.). The traditional interpretation receded in the late Soviet period.
Gumilëv’s Eurasianism and theories of primordial ethnicity have become well established in current geopolitical relations within the post-Soviet Commonwealth of Independent States (Kazakhstan’s Gumilëv Eurasian National University was refounded in 1996). Gumilëv reinterpreted the image of the alien steppe as a predominantly Western one and developed dual concepts of ‘ethnic chimera’ and ‘passionarity’ with the intention of fostering current transnational amity based on primordial ethnic identities.