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We explore the treatment of near-wall turbulence in coarse-grained representations of wall-bounded turbulence. Such representations are complicated by the fact that at high Reynolds number the near-wall effects occur in an asymptotically thin layer. Because of this, many near-wall models are posed as effective boundary conditions, essentially eliminating the thin wall layer that is too thin to resolve. This is commonly referred to as wall-modeled large eddy simulation, and the viability of this approach is supported by the weakness of the interaction between the near-wall turbulence and that further away. Such models are generally informed by known characteristics of near-wall turbulence, such as the log-layer in the mean velocity and the so-called law-of-the-wall. In this chapter, we consider such coarse-grained near-wall models and the approximations implicit in their formulation from the perspective of thin-layer asymptotics.
Wall-bounded turbulent shear flows are known to exhibit universal small-scale dynamics that are modulated by large-scale flow structures. Strong pressure gradients complicate this characterization, however. They can cause significant variation of the mean flow in the streamwise direction. For such situations, we perform asymptotic analysis of the Navier–Stokes equations to inform a model for the effect of mean flow growth on near-wall turbulence in a small domain localized to the boundary. The asymptotics are valid whenever the viscous length scale is small relative to the length scale over which the mean flow varies. To ensure the correct momentum environment, a dynamic procedure is introduced that accounts for the additional sources of mean momentum flux through the upper domain boundary arising from the asymptotic terms. Comparisons of the model's low-order, single-point statistics with those from direct numerical simulation and well-resolved large eddy simulation of adverse-pressure-gradient turbulent boundary layers indicate the asymptotic model successfully accounts for the effect of boundary layer growth on the small-scale near-wall turbulence.
Recent experimental and computational studies indicate that near-wall turbulent flows can be characterized by universal small-scale autonomous dynamics that is modulated by large-scale structures. We formulate numerical simulations of near-wall turbulence in a small domain localized to the boundary, whose size scales in viscous units. To mimic the environment in which the near-wall turbulence evolves, the formulation accounts for the flux of mean momentum through the upper boundary of the domain. Comparisons of the model's two-dimensional energy spectra and low-order single-point statistics with the corresponding quantities computed from direct numerical simulations indicate that it successfully captures the dynamics of the small-scale near-wall turbulence.
The transport equations for the variances of the velocity components are investigated using data from direct numerical simulations of incompressible channel flows at friction Reynolds number ($Re_{\unicode[STIX]{x1D70F}}$) up to $Re_{\unicode[STIX]{x1D70F}}=5200$. Each term in the transport equation has been spectrally decomposed to expose the contribution of turbulence at different length scales to the processes governing the flow of energy in the wall-normal direction, in scale and among components. The outer-layer turbulence is dominated by very large-scale streamwise elongated modes, which are consistent with the very large-scale motions (VLSM) that have been observed by many others. The presence of these VLSMs drives many of the characteristics of the turbulent energy flows. Away from the wall, production occurs primarily in these large-scale streamwise-elongated modes in the streamwise velocity, but dissipation occurs nearly isotropically in both velocity components and scale. For this to happen, the energy is transferred from the streamwise-elongated modes to modes with a range of orientations through nonlinear interactions, and then transferred to other velocity components. This allows energy to be transferred more-or-less isotropically from these large scales to the small scales at which dissipation occurs. The VLSMs also transfer energy to the wall region, resulting in a modulation of the autonomous near-wall dynamics and the observed Reynolds number dependence of the near-wall velocity variances. The near-wall energy flows are more complex, but are consistent with the well-known autonomous near-wall dynamics that gives rise to streaks and streamwise vortices. Through the overlap region between outer- and inner-layer turbulence, there is a self-similar structure to the energy flows. The VLSM production occurs at spanwise scales that grow with $y$. There is transport of energy away from the wall over a range of scales that grows with $y$. Moreover, there is transfer of energy to small dissipative scales which grows like $y^{1/4}$, as expected from Kolmogorov scaling. Finally, the small-scale near-wall processes characterised by wavelengths less than 1000 wall units are largely Reynolds number independent, while the larger-scale outer-layer processes are strongly Reynolds number dependent. The interaction between them appears to be relatively simple.
We study the large-scale motions in turbulent plane Couette flows at moderate friction Reynolds number up to $Re_{\unicode[STIX]{x1D70F}}=500$. Direct numerical simulation (DNS) domains were as large as $100\unicode[STIX]{x03C0}\unicode[STIX]{x1D6FF}\times 2\unicode[STIX]{x1D6FF}\times 5\unicode[STIX]{x03C0}\unicode[STIX]{x1D6FF}$, where $\unicode[STIX]{x1D6FF}$ is half the distance between the walls. The results indicate that there are streamwise vortices filling the space between the walls that remain correlated over distances in the streamwise direction and that increase strongly with the Reynolds number, so that for the largest Reynolds number studied here, they are correlated across the entire $100\unicode[STIX]{x03C0}\unicode[STIX]{x1D6FF}$ length of the domain. The presence of these very long structures is apparent in the spectra of all three velocity components and the Reynolds stress. In DNS using a smaller domain, the large structures are constrained, eliminating the streamwise variations present in the larger domain. Near the centre of the domain, these large-scale structures contribute as much as half of the Reynolds shear stress.
This paper illustrates one strategy for testing a theory of economic influences on voting. We use a competitive equilibrium model of the economy to determine the impact of an individual's economic position on his or her economic interests and, ultimately, political interests. We then test whether this impact is observed in voting behavior, addressing the resulting specification and estimation problems in the context of U.S. presidential election data. Our empirical results suggest that, despite these formidable problems, we can usefully connect political-economic models and discrete-choice (probit) models of voting.
Preventable diseases not only cause suffering and physical harm, they also impose financial costs on private individuals and public authorities. By disregarding evidence of the safety and effectiveness of vaccines and choosing not to vaccinate their children, some parents are increasing the risk of outbreaks and their attendant costs. In a very real sense, since those families are not currently required to cover the full costs of outbreaks, they are externalizing those costs onto others – individuals affected and society at large. Since non-vaccinating can directly lead to costly outbreaks, this paper argues that it is both fair and desirable to impose those costs upon those making the choice not to vaccinate. There are, in fact, strong policy reasons to support doing so regardless of whether we use an approach based on fault or a no-fault framework. Not only can the decision not to vaccinate be seen as culpable, aside from the culpability consideration, it is appropriate to compel those deciding not to vaccinate to internalize the costs in order to prevent free riding and to mitigate harms to others.
A direct numerical simulation of incompressible channel flow at a friction Reynolds number ($\mathit{Re}_{{\it\tau}}$) of 5186 has been performed, and the flow exhibits a number of the characteristics of high-Reynolds-number wall-bounded turbulent flows. For example, a region where the mean velocity has a logarithmic variation is observed, with von Kármán constant ${\it\kappa}=0.384\pm 0.004$. There is also a logarithmic dependence of the variance of the spanwise velocity component, though not the streamwise component. A distinct separation of scales exists between the large outer-layer structures and small inner-layer structures. At intermediate distances from the wall, the one-dimensional spectrum of the streamwise velocity fluctuation in both the streamwise and spanwise directions exhibits $k^{-1}$ dependence over a short range in wavenumber $(k)$. Further, consistent with previous experimental observations, when these spectra are multiplied by $k$ (premultiplied spectra), they have a bimodal structure with local peaks located at wavenumbers on either side of the $k^{-1}$ range.
Political scientists have contributed to the world of electoral systems as scientists and as engineers. Taking stock of recent scientific research, we show that context modifies the effects of electoral rules on political outcomes in specific and systematic ways. We explore how electoral rules shape the inclusion of women and minorities, the depth and nature of political competition, and patterns of redistribution and regulation, and we consider institutional innovations that could promote political equality. Finally, we describe the diverse ways that political scientists produce an impact on the world by sharing and applying their knowledge of the consequences of electoral rules and global trends in reform.
Electoral Systems and Political Context illustrates how political and social context conditions the effects of electoral rules. The book examines electoral behavior and outcomes in countries that use 'mixed-member' electoral systems – where voters cast one ballot for a party list under proportional representation (PR) and one for a candidate in a single member district (SMD). Based on comparisons of outcomes under the two different rules used in mixed-member systems, the book highlights how electoral systems' effects – especially strategic voting, the number of parties and women's representation – tend to be different in new democracies from what one usually sees in established democracies. Moreover, electoral systems such as SMDs are usually presumed to constrain the number of parties irrespective of the level of social diversity, but this book demonstrates that social diversity frequently shapes party fragmentation even under such restrictive rules.
In this chapter, we turn our attention away from strategic defection by voters and elites and the number of parties under plurality rules to focus on the types of people who win office in democratic elections. More specifically, we explore how political context conditions the impact of electoral rules on the election of women to legislative office.
The election of women to public office is inherently important. Intuitively, female representation offers symbolic benefits for gender equality (see Phillips 1995), and there is evidence that female legislators behave differently from their male counterparts (Mansbridge 1999; Bratton and Ray 2002). It is therefore noteworthy that electoral systems are important in shaping the degree to which women win elected office. Significant research indicates that larger shares of women gain office under closed-list proportional representation rules than in single-member districts, but this finding is more consistent in consolidated democracies than in new ones.
The literature implicitly highlights two features of PR that especially help women’s representation. First, the closed-list party vote in many PR systems would appear to help women over the more candidate-centered balloting under SMDs: compared with the process by which candidates are nominated for SMD races, national party leaders appear more inclined to nominate women, so closed party lists and centralized party nomination processes are seen as more conducive to women’s representation (Norris 1993; Valdini 2005, 2006). Moreover, some voters may not wish to vote for a woman under SMD rules when they cast their ballots for individual candidates, but see no problem with casting a ballot for a list that includes women under PR where they vote for a party. Second, the higher district magnitudes of PR systems also appear to offer women a better shot at election than single-member districts (especially FPTP) by lowering the effective threshold (i.e., the share of the vote) necessary for election.
In Chapter 1, we suggested a number of ways that we believe electoral rules may affect politics while also being conditioned by other factors. In this chapter, we discuss how studying mixed-member electoral systems with an approach that Arend Lijphart labeled “controlled comparison” can help us investigate these electoral rule effects.
In the first part of this chapter, we describe the basic workings of “two-vote” mixed-member systems and explain how these systems make the controlled comparison approach possible. We highlight how this approach to the study of mixed-member systems offers a number of advantages in studying the differing effects of SMD and PR electoral rules. In the second part of the chapter, we discuss “contamination” between the PR and SMD tiers – the chief misgiving offered by critics of the controlled comparison approach to studying mixed-member systems – and explain why we believe that contamination does not cause significant problems for the analysis in this book. In the third and final part of the chapter, we describe the defining characteristics of mixed-member systems, outline the major variations found within this classification of electoral system, and discuss how these variations may have important consequences of their own.
In the early 1990s, Japan and Russia each adopted a very similar version of a “mixed-member” electoral system. In the form used in Japan and Russia, in elections to a single house of the legislature each voter cast two ballots: one for a candidate in a single-member district (SMD) and one for a party under proportional representation (PR). In the SMD races, both countries used first-past-the-post (FPTP) rules, meaning that the candidate winning the largest number of votes in the district wins the race, even if tallying under a majority of all the SMD ballots cast. In PR, parties win shares of seats roughly in proportion to their share of the party vote. In both Japan and Russia, the PR systems used closed-list rules, meaning that prior to each election central party leaders put together a rank-ordered list of candidates to determine which individuals would win seats if the party won representation in PR. In PR in both countries, voters were only given the chance to choose a single pre-set party list. Both countries used mixed-member-majoritarian (MMM) electoral systems, meaning that the SMD and PR components of the system were “unlinked” – seats won by a party in one tier (e.g., SMDs) did not affect the number of seats allocated to the party in the other tier (e.g., PR). In short, both Russia and Japan adopted very similar forms of mixed-member electoral systems.
In both countries, it was widely expected that the different rules would promote particular outcomes: The SMD tier was expected to lead to a small number of large, catchall parties, especially at the district level. The PR tier was supposed to promote the proliferation of political parties, greater proportionality, and more female representation – especially when compared with results in the SMD tier.
Probably the most well-known literature on electoral systems highlights how electoral rules shape the number of parties (see especially Cox 1997; Duverger 1954; Lijphart 1994; Taagepera and Shugart 1989). We, therefore, begin our analysis by exploring how different rules affect the number of parties, but we then turn to how political context – in the form of democratic experience and party institutionalization – conditions the effects of rules.
In this chapter, we lay out the concepts necessary to explore the relationship between electoral rules, context, and the number of parties. First, we discuss the principal expectations about how electoral rules affect disproportionality (i.e., the extent to which parties’ seat shares deviate from their share of the vote) and the number of parties. Second, we consider how democratic experience and party system development may condition these effects. Third, we explain how we measure the central variables – especially disproportionality, the effective number of parties, democratic experience, and party institutionalization. Finally, we discuss how specific institutional features of mixed-member systems might also shape the number of parties.
Cutting to the chase, and laying out our most important expectation, we expect restrictive electoral rules (especially FPTP) to be much less likely to constrain the number of parties in new democracies, especially those with poorly developed party systems, than in established democracies.
Thus far, this book has focused on the interactive effect on political outcomes of electoral rules and the level of democratic and party system development. In this chapter, we shift our focus to how electoral rules interact with a different category of political context, social diversity, to affect the party system.
A long line of research has argued that the number of parties in a country is the product of an interactive process between the number of social cleavages and the electoral system, whereby social heterogeneity has little effect on the number of parties under “restrictive” rules such as first-past-the-post (Duverger 1954; Ordeshook and Shvetsova 1994; Amorim Neto and Cox 1997; Clark and Golder 2006; Singer and Stephenson 2009). Many scholars posit that as the number of distinct groups in society increases, so will the number of parties, but that this relationship will exist only under “permissive” electoral rules (such as PR with high district magnitude and little or no legal threshold of representation). The incentives of the electoral system under restrictive rules drive voters, groups, and elites to withdraw their support from candidates who are unlikely to be competitive, and instead line up only behind those truly “in the running” – thereby leading to a small number of parties (or candidates), irrespective of the number of distinct groups in society.