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Social capital is created when members and organizations in a society enact relationships with others. The outcome of these relationships includes new opportunities, information, and access to a variety of resources. The purpose of this article is to study donor communication and relationships that help to build social capital. The site for this study is the evolving nature of donor organization relations with voluntary associations in Croatia from 1999 to 2002. Using network analysis, this article traces how donor–NGO-media relations changed over time and provides suggestions for international donors and NGOs in transitions to maximize the outcome of their communicative relationships.
This research note addresses issues, concerns, and opportunities for teachers and researchers of the third sector in Central and Eastern Europe, drawing on experiences in Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, and Hungary. The paper briefly outlines the development of the third sector in the aforementioned countries, and describes the current state of third sector teaching and research there. It then frames the challenges for the region’s teachers and researchers, and proposes an appropriate role for the West, commenting upon the West’s relevance within Central and Eastern Europe.
The COVID-19 pandemic and consequent global travel restrictions created an unprecedented crisis for the tourism industry. Considering that tourism generates about one fifth of the Croatian, the COVID-19 crisis posed a threat not only to companies in tourism, but also to the Croatian economy as a whole. This article examines the interplay of public and private institutions whose aim was to support resilience in tourism and prevent negative spill overs to other sectors. The regional Civil Protection Headquarters and a large hospitality company were analyzed as a part of the resilience assessments. Although both institutions have shown a high level of agility and resilience in their crisis management, this article outlines the deep societal interdependence between the public and private sector in times of global crisis.
What makes civil society sustainable? This paper examines USAID “Legacy Mechanisms”—programs designed to support a stable civil society after USAID withdraws aid—in the context of post-war Croatia to reconceptualize civil society sustainability in terms of resilience. Rather than examine whether specific legacy mechanisms remained intact, this paper looks at how Croatian civil society organizations adopted, adapted, and dropped these legacy programs to respond to novel crises and a changing political and social environment once USAID exited Croatia. Drawing on archival data from USAID’s time in Croatia and interviews conducted between 2008 (the year after USAID withdrew) and 2016, this paper shows that the long-term impact USAID had on civil society lay not within the formal institutions and organizations it supported, but in the resilience, creativity, and cooperation it fostered in the civil society sector.
This chapter explores the impact that war victories and war defeats have on the character of dominant nationalist discourses. Scholars of nationalism have extensively analysed how military defeats shaped the collective memories of different nations. However, there has not been much comparative analysis of the relationship between nationalisms that transpire in the context of war victories and those that emerge in the environment of war defeats. This chapter zooms in on both phenomena. It argues that the scale and direction of nationalist narratives is rarely determined by war winning or losing but by the ability of social organisations to institutionalise a particular interpretation of war. Instead of victories or defeats, it is the coercive-organisational, ideological, and micro-interactional grounding that shapes the character of nationalism. This key argument is illustrated with a paired analysis of Croatia’s memorialisation of the war victory in the 1991–1995 War of Independence and Ghana’s commemoration of the war defeat in the 1900 War of the Golden Stool.
This chapter focuses on the urban and rural landscapes of the Balkans in Late Antiquity, covering modern-day Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia . It examines how cities and countryside areas evolved between the third and seventh centuries, with a particular emphasis on the material traces of early Christianity. The chapter draws on archaeological evidence, historical texts and urban planning studies to highlight the transformation of key cities such as Thessaloniki, Nicopolis ad Istrum and Serdica (modern Sofia). This contribution argues that the Balkans served as a cultural and political bridge between Asia and Europe, influencing the spread of Christianity and shaping imperial policies. It also explores how urban centres adapted to economic shifts and military threats, with some cities reinforcing their fortifications while others declined. Thessaloniki, for instance, maintained its urban layout and economic role, even as certain Roman public buildings fell out of use. Religious change also played a crucial role in shaping the Balkan landscape. Christian basilicas replaced pagan temples, while monasteries and bishopric centres became focal points for local governance and cultural life. The chapter further addresses the challenges of dating archaeological sites, emphasising the need for more precise chronological frameworks.
In Croatia, due to local histories of violence, purist language ideologies, and the essentialist belief that nations and languages form an inseparable nexus, the ability to speak pure “Croatian” (čisti hrvatski) is perceived as a sign of morality while the use of “Serbian” indexes immorality. Through repetition over time and institutional support – through ethno-linguistic enregisterment – linguistic practises are able to map ethnicity and morality onto the bodies of speakers, making the use of language in Croatia a delicate and politicized performance. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork, this article explores the ways in which linguistic performances of čisti hrvatski by the newly minoritized Serbs in Vukovar become an integral part of performing political subjectivity. The eagerness of some of my interlocutors to perform čisti hrvatski in the public sphere becomes a way to embody exemplary minority subjectivity and to negotiate their stigmatized ethnic difference by demonstrating a sense of belonging to the Croatian nation-state.
Julianne House, Universität Hamburg/Hun-Ren Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics /Hellenic American University,Dániel Z. Kádár, Dalian University of Foreign Languages/Hun-Ren Hungarian Research Centre for Linguistics/University of Maribor
In Chapter 4 we discuss the pitfall of associating positive and negative values with political actors, including both individuals such as Trump or Biden, and political entities such as the US and the EU. In our view, such an association is problematic and dangerous because it precludes approaching language and politics in a more neutral way. As a case study, we analyse the transcript of an unofficial tape recording in which representatives of the EU – which is often regarded as a democratic organisation – attempted to prevent the newly established Slovenian and Croatian states from declaring independence following plebiscites. We use strictly linguistic evidence to illustrate the rather undemocratic procedure through which representatives of the EU – who were supposed to be the upholders of democracy – aggressively persuaded Slovenians and Croatians to temporally suspend declaring independence, hence opposing the results of valid plebiscites.
The field of language endangerment and documentary linguistics, which developed in the last thirty years in response to massive global language endangerment and loss, has introduced high ethical standards for linguists who work in endangered language communities. These ethical standards are based on ideas of empowerment of language communities and their involvement in collaborative work (Cameron et al. 1997; Rice 2004; Yamada 2007; Leonard and Haynes 2010). Relying on the author’s own experiences with community-oriented language documentation in small endangered language enclaves in Croatia over the period of more than ten years, this paper problematizes some of the assumptions of this approach to language documentation and elaborate on the meaning, obstacles to and possible and desirable extent of linguists’ activism in this area of linguistic practice. In particular, the discussion revolves around the issues of disciplinary ideologies, scholars’ positionality, and community representation while illustrative examples come from an inventory of the author’s own dilemmas and actions. It is proposed that definitions of and expectations for language activism and advocacy, like the notions of collaboration and ‘giving back’ in documentary linguistics, will benefit from remaining flexible and highly responsive to the social nature of communities and sociohistorical contexts in which linguists are doing their work.
This chapter focuses on the authors’ personal experience challenging some of the dominant language ideologies in Croatia’s public sphere. We first provide a brief overview of the language situation in Croatia with special emphasis on the prevailing conceptualizations of language(s) in the works of established language ideologues and authors of usage guides, found in popular language-focused television and radio programs as well. We then move on to classifying and addressing some of the positive and also negative (print, audio, online) reactions from the conservative linguistic circles and their ideologies and discourse strategies following the publication of our book Jeziku je svejedno [Language could care less, 2019, Zagreb: Sandorf], in which we carried out a detailed qualitative critical analysis of prescriptivist discourse in Croatia, most notably as found in contemporary usage guides. Finally, we outline some of our ideas for future activist work with the aim of deconstructing harmful language ideologies, empowering average speakers and reducing the level of linguistic insecurity and self-hatred.
This chapter explores how taxing the traditional livelihood practice of distilling spirits transformed the status of work and traditions, making previously ordinary ways of life illegal, and leading families to weigh their business self-interest against relationships, legal and moral responsibilities, and values. The chapter elucidates the opaque qualities of Istria’s vibrant moonshine market by unpacking the values underpinning it and the relationships between the winemakers, craft distillers, and bootleggers of which it is constituted. Taxing and regulating spirits challenged societal values in ways that forced new considerations into long-standing relationships, particularly around the circulation of the biowaste necessary for distilling. Families sought to maintain livelihoods based on farming, winemaking, and distilling while navigating new regulatory regimes, but those who could not handle such changes retreated from formal business ownership and into the margins of the market. This shift demonstrated that tax can make and unmake markets in sometimes unintended ways. At its core, this chapter illuminates how values in Istrian culture intersect in the practice of distilling and are complicated by the introduction of taxes and regulations.
This date list reports the unpublished results from a multi-year radiocarbon dating program of the prehistoric Iapodes collection at the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. Dated materials were excavated from cave, burial, and settlement contexts by various museum teams during the past century.
Recently opened memorial museums and exhibitions in Croatia museumize the “Homeland War” of 1991 to 1995. This article examines the four major institutions, the Museum of the Homeland War in Karlovac as well as three sites in Vukovar: The Memorial Center for the Homeland War, the Memorial Hospital and the Ovčara Memorial Home. This first systematic site analysis compares 1) the overall narratives; 2) how enemy images from World War II are reactivated to demonize “the other”; 3) how women are represented in these war exhibitions; and 4) the topics that are left out. I argue that while there is still no national museum that includes war developments in all of the country, the two big institutions, the Museum in Karlovac and the Center in Vukovar, focus on the “defenders,” as the Croatian fighters are called – while in Karlovac strikingly marginalizing and at the Center completely omitting civilians. War here means (male) soldiers and weapons, while the other two institutions portray individual victims without discussing their biographies. In all sites, Serbs are depicted with reference to World War II: as Chetniks, running “concentration camps” who committed either “urbicide and culturocide” or a “holocaust” against Croats.
We examined a Late Holocene sea-level stillstand using phreatic overgrowths on speleothems (POS) recovered from Medvjeđa Špilja [Bear Cave] (northern Adriatic Sea) from −1.28 ± 0.15 m below present mean sea level. Different mineralogical analyses were performed to characterize the POS and better understand the mechanisms of their formation. Results reveal that the fibrous overgrowth is formed of calcite and that both the supporting soda straw and the overgrowth have very similar trace element compositions. This suggests that the drip-water and groundwater pool from which the POS formed have similar chemical compositions. Four subsamples were dated by means of uranium-series. We found that ca. 2800 years ago, the relative sea level was stable for about 300 years at a depth of approximately −1.28 ± 0.15 m below the current mean sea level. This finding roughly corresponds with the end of a relatively stable sea-level period, between 3250 and 2800 cal yr BP, previously noted in the southern Adriatic. Our research confirms the presence of POS in the Adriatic region and establishes the Medvjeđa Špilja pool as a conducive environment for calcite POS formation, which encourages further investigations at this study site.
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Part III
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Intersections: National(ist) Synergies and Tensions with Other Social, Economic, Political, and Cultural Categories, Identities, and Practices
Notions of shared collective identity or ethnos are ancient belief systems imbibed at an early age, codified in literature, and transmitted through learned or sacred texts and “common knowledge.” There may be elements of logic in such beliefs that become harder to uncover with the passage of centuries. For example, notions of collective identity often perpetuate the belief that the stranger brings danger and only “kin-culture communities” (to use Azar Gat’s term) can be trusted.1 Perhaps logical caution developed into custom and was perpetuated by political practice (i.e. the formation of states). The modern idea of race, which views human populations as fundamentally different from each other in measurable ways, can be linked most emphatically to colonial exploitation in the early modern and modern eras. In its assumption about nature, it is thus fundamentally different from earlier ideas about ethnos or collective identity.
This essay seeks in Tracy an account of dialogue as the first hope of post-war forgiveness and reconciliation, for the author’s own troubled setting of post-civil war Croatia. Despite Tracy not having written on reconciliation after conflict, ‘a Tracyean route to the hope of dialogue’ takes shape here via Tracyean emphases on ‘history’, ‘tragedy’, and ‘fragments’. Dialogue becomes theological here not solely on account of religious contexts widely present in Croatia, but also, after Tracy, whenever dialogue approaches its proper goals and reach. In ‘a practical-historical context of despair and violence’, recent works by Tracy helps by: (1) highlighting the value of a tragic sensibility within culture and Christianity; and (2) proposing hope around strong fragments (or ‘frag-events’). In an innovative application of Tracy, some of the most powerful Croatian fragments are those ordinary inhabitants whose lives are witness to the country’s collective failures in addressing ongoing experiences of extraordinary injustice and suffering. It is to them that dialogue must be exposed if Croatian society is to open itself towards a divine Infinity of hope and forgiveness.
Scholars have studied how women’s domestic and transnational civil society activism addresses the gendered nature of transitional justice. In contrast, they have paid scant attention to women’s impact on transitional justice policy-making in institutions. We leverage the feminist institutionalist perspective that makes visible gendered norms, rules, and discourses in institutions. Homing in on women’s influence in parliaments where women are outnumbered by men and marginalised by adversarial discourse, we develop a conceptualisation of women’s discursive agency. Foregrounding discourse in women’s ability to drive change, women’s agency is enacted through their linguistic communication style and substantive normative positions that constitute micro- and macro-level structures of domination. Quantitative and qualitative discourse analysis is applied to a corpus of parliamentary questions about transitional justice in the Croatian parliament from 2004 to 2020. Our results show that women adopt the adversarial style of questioning, which they use to broaden the scope of entitlements and press for reparations for female and male victims. They overcome constraints posed by partisanship and ideology, while constraints of nationalism are less easily broken. The article advances feminist transitional justice by demonstrating how women’s language contributes to dismantling men’s policy domination in institutions, with implications for mixed-sex interactions in non-institutional domains.
The chapter describes the main nature conservation challenges in Croatia, its main policy responses and actions, and their achievements and lessons, primarily over the last 40 years. This covers the country’s natural characteristics, habitats and species of particular importance; the status of nature and main pressures affecting it; nature conservation policies (including biodiversity strategies), legislation, governance and key actors; species measures (e.g. management of large carnivore populations); protected areas and networks; general conservation measures (e.g. management of agricultural habitats, and water management); nature conservation costs and main funding sources; and biodiversity monitoring. Likely future developments are also identified. Conclusions are drawn on what measures have been most effective and why, and what is needed to improve the implementation of existing measures and achieve future nature conservation goals.
The level of women’s parliamentary representation often increases after armed conflict, but do voters in postwar societies actually prefer female electoral candidates? We answer this question by analyzing a unique data set containing information on nearly 7,000 candidates running in three elections with preferential voting in postwar Croatia. Our analysis demonstrates that voters’ gender bias is conditional on the local electorate’s ideology and exposure to war violence, with voters of right-wing parties and voters in areas more affected by war violence being more biased against female candidates. These effects of ideology and exposure to war violence also exhibit a strong interactive relationship, suggesting that bias against women is strongest among right-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence and reversed among left-wing voters in areas exposed to war violence. Our findings highlight the need to better understand the relationship between gender, ideology, and violence in postconflict societies.
Infection with the parasitic nematode Strongyloides stercoralis is characteristic for tropical and subtropical regions of the world, but autochthonous cases have been reported in European countries as well. Here we present the first nation-wide survey of S. stercoralis seroprevalence in Croatian individuals presenting with eosinophilia, and evaluate the fraction of positive microscopy rates in stool specimens of seropositive individuals. In our sample of 1407 patients tested between 2018 and 2021, the overall prevalence of strongyloidiasis was 9.31%, with significantly higher rates in those older than 60 years of age (P = 0.005). Of those, one-quarter (25.95%) were also positive following microscopy examination of faeces after using the merthiolate–iodine–formaldehyde concentration method. Our findings reinforce the notion of endemic strongyloidiasis transmission in Croatia, particularly in older individuals, and highlight the need to consider the presence of S. stercoralis in patients with eosinophilia.